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GENERAL HISTORY
OF
POLY BILTUS
Translated from the Greek
BY MR. HAMPTON.
FIFTH EDITION. ,
eG OXFORD,
PRINTED BY W. BAXTER, A FOR J. PARKER; AND G. AND W. B. WHITTAKER, AVE MARIA LANE, LONDON.
1823. _
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TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE
ROBERT LORD HENRY, BARON OF GRAINGE,
LORD HIGH CHANCELLOR OF GREAT BRITAIN.
My Lorn,
W nen the following Translation was first sent abroad, I endeavoured not to shelter it under any illustrious name. [It was more agreeable to my sentiments, as it seemed to be more consistent also with candour and with justice, that it should find its way through the public favour to. some particular patron, than that a patron, how great soever, should impose it by his single sanction on the public. _ The hopes, which I at that time entertained, are now fully answered; and your Lordship’s appro- bation has stamped the last authority upon the general voice. i But not content with approving only, your Lord- ship has been pleased to interest in some degree your own name likewise in the future fortune of my work ; by permitting me to address this new edition of it to your more immediate favour and protection. As this is an indulgence, which must on my part always demand the most grateful acknowledgments, so may I not also presume to add, that it will not perhaps detract even from your own dignity or VOL. r? b
ii DEDICATION.
praise, that your Lordship, while invested with the honours, and surrounded by the cares, that belong to the first and most important of all civil offices, withdrew not your attention from those studies, which, in évery polished age and country, have been regarded as the source of public wisdom as well as virtue, and as the ornament of social life.
I am, my Lord, ‘Your Lordship’s most obliged,
and most humble servant,
JAMES HAMPTON.
é
PREFACE.
AMONG all the historians of antiquity, whose ~ works have been judged worthy of the admiration or regard of later times, there is none perhaps so little known as the author who is now offered to the public. The words, grave, judicious, excellent, are indeed transmitted from pen to pen, and fill the mouth of every critic. But though the name of Polybius be thus still accompanied with some mark of respect and honour, his real character has re- „mained almost unnoticed; and his writings, even though confessed to be the object of esteem and praise, by degrees have fallen under that kind of neglect and general disregard, which usually foreruns ivin. A
It may be useful, therefore, to consider some of the chief among the causes that have concurred to _ produce so ‘perverse an accident, before we attempt to lead the reader into a closer view of those many excellencies that are peculiar to the following his- tory, and which drew towards it the attention of the .wise and learned, in the enlightened times of Greecé and Rome.
Amidst all the imee; which the moderns are
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iv PREFACE.
by many supposed to have gained against the ancients, with respect to the points of useful know- ledge, and the enlargement of all true and solid science, it cannot but be allowed that, in the art of writing, the latter still maintain their rank un- rivalled ; and that the graces and the charms, the exactness, strength, and energy, which make se- verally the character of their most perfect compo- sitions, are in vain sought for in the productions of the present age. Those, therefore, that take into their hands the remains of any celebrated name either of Greece or Rome, are in the first place accustomed to expect, if not a faultless work, yet some display at least of that superiority, which the warmest emulation has not yet been able to exceed ; some beamings of those excellencies, which strike and captivate the mind, and render irresistible the words of wisdom, when delivered from the lips of beauty. It is not, therefore, judged sufficient, that the matter be grave and weighty, unless the manner also-be enchanting. In vain are things disposed in order, and words made expressive of the sense. We demand likewise an arrangement that. may please the fancy ; and a harmony that may fill the. ear. Or, on the other hand, if the style be such as rejects the embellishments of art, yet let us find in it at least that. full and close conciseness, that commanding dignity, that smooth and pure sim- plicity, in a word, those naked graces, which outshine all ornament.
Such are the expectations of every reader, who has gained a taste sufficient to discern, that these beauties are in fact diffused through ’all the finished
PREFACE. v
pìeces of antiquity. For though even among the ancients, there were as many different styles. as authors, yet nature and * sound criticism, . which drew its rules from nature, referred them all to two or three general kinds, of which each had its esta- blished laws ; which, while they served to instruct the writer in his art, afforded likewise a sure cri- terion by which his works were either censured or approved. Was it. the purpose of an author to recite past events, or convey lessons of instruction, in a language simple and unadorned? It was de- manded by these laws, that his style should be concise and pure; that the sentiment and diction should be closely joined; and no word admitted that did not add somewhat to the sense; that through the whole should be found a certain air of ease and freedom, mixed, however, with strength and dignity; and that, void of all appearance of study and of art, he should strive to make even negligence itself alluring. If, on the contrary, his desire was to excel in the florid kind, the same laws required, that the simple charms of nature should be adorned with all the elegance-and pomp of art ; that splendid images should flatter and delude the fancy ; that the diction should be noble, polite, and brilliant; that every word should be dressed in smiles; and that the periods should be measured with the nicest care; be joined together ‘in the softest bands of harmony ; and flow intermingled, without obstacle or pause. Lastly, with respect to that likewise which was called the intermediate kind of composition, these laws were careful also to pre- scribe the proper temperament, in which the beau- b 3
vi PREFACE.
ties of the former two should meet and be united ; and to adjust the mixture of the graceful and au- stere, the artificial and the simple, in such exact proportion, that the one never should prevail against the other, but both govern through the whole with a kind of mingled sway.
. Now with regard to the author of the following work, it must freely be acknowledged that, instead of having gained any approved degree of excellence in either of these established modes of composition, he, on the contrary, revolts alike against the laws of all. Instead of charms that might allure, an energy that might command, or flowing softness that might carry with it the attention of the reader, we meet at every step some deformity which excites disgust, some coldness which offends, some obstacles which expose our patience to the severest proof. Instead of elegant simplicity, we find in every part a rustic coarsenéss ; instead of a neat and clear conciseness, a redundance of impure expression ; instead of an assemblage of kindred images, allusions remote and forced ; and, in the place of a full, majestic, and continued harmony, sounds that fatigue and wound the ear, periods broken and transversed. It cannot, therefore, be greatly wondered at that many, even among the warm admirers of antiquity, should have been discouraged from perusing writings which are void of all the charms of nature and of art; which display neither elegance nor strength ; neither ease nor dignity; simplicity nor majesty; but are, in every part, disfigured, either by tasteless and ill- sorted ornaments, or a negligence that is wholly destitute of grace.
PREFACE. vii
But, besides the utter want of all those beauties that reign through the compositions of the other celebrated ancients, there is also in Polybius one eminent vice, which must be allowed to have been not less the cause than that now mentioned, of the almost general disregard to which his works have been condemned. This is the obscurity which is found, as we may say, in every page through all the following history. For it is not that obscurity which springs solely from those ancient manners, customs, science, discipline, which, though they were familiar to the times in which the author wrote, are unknown to the present age. Nor is it that only, on the other hand, which is caused by the -ravages of years; that which never fails to attend a mangled or corrupted text. But it is such as may well be termed a congenial and inbred ob- scurity ; an obscurity which results from compli- cated.and embarrassed sense; from periods disor- dered and transposed ; from useless expletives; and from words which are either destitute of any signifi- cation, or employed in one so different from their own, that even those who are most conversant in the language, are oftentimes entangled i In a maze of doubt and intricacy, from which, after all their’ ef- forts, they are never able to get free.
Some: other causes of lighter moment might be mentioned, as having in part contributed to produce the’ effect of which we are speaking*. But these .
* Among these, we may just take notice of an opinion which has preyailed with many, that the following history, with _respect both to the matter which it contains, and the manner .
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are the principal, and most important. And in- deed, to say the truth, how reasonable must it be
also in which the work is executed, tends principally to pro- mote the improvement of that knowledge which relates to war, and cannot even easily be understood, but by those only who have passed their life in camps. This prejudice, if it drew not its beginning, seems, however, to have been chiefly propagated from the pains of a lively Frenchman, who some years ago presented the author to the public in all the pomp of military dress; and under the weight of an enlarged and bulky com- ment, in which the sentiment now mentioned is every where industriously repeated and enforced, stifled the merit of a judi- cious and sensible translation. But his profession, it seems, was that of arms; and most admirably does self-love perform its part. For being first persuaded that, among all the objects of human knowledge and enquiry, there was none more noble and important than the ‘art in which himself was skilled, he boldly mistakes, for. the characteristical distinction in the original, that which was only an incidental excellence; and from thence forms, as he expresses it, the grand design of raising, upon tbose materials that were before him, a complete military structure; as if the purpose of this great historian had been simply to compose a body of tactics, or a treatise on the stratagems of war; and not rather to illustrate and explain the most sublime of all the subjects of civil science, which the annals of mankind can boast; to shew, ‘from what causes, and through what kind of government, almost the -whole habitable world, in less than the course of fifty-three years, was reduced beneath the Roman yoke.” But indeed the whole weakness and absurdity of this conceit will appear so manifest from the very first pages of the history, that it is not necessary to employ in this place any greater pains to expose it. I shall, therefore, only add, with respect to the opinion above-men- tioned, that first, it is by no means in general true, as the favourers of this opinion are ever ready to affiym, that the description of sieges and of battles, as they occur in ancient authors, cannot easily be understood but by those only who have passed their life in camps. If, indeed, the business that is
PREFACE. ix
thought that such an author should at once be abandoned to oblivion or contempt; unless, per-
here required were to weigh the difficulties, and to decide con- cerning the expediency or the rashness, of any military enter- prise; to applaud, or to condemn, the disposition of an army in the field; to display the prudence, or to detect the errors, of a general ; this would doubtless be a province which every man of letters would most willingly resign, to those whose studies and experience had qualified them in a more peculiar manner to be judges in it. But when the task, as in reading or trans- lating, is simply to apprehend the meaning of the terms in any ancient and dead language, it is clear that this’can be only done, and that in most cases it has been done effectually, by surveying the analogy of the language, examining well the context, and tracing all the various significations in which the same terms are used by different writers. Secondly, these descriptions, as they are more full and perfect, are more per- spicuous also in Polybius, than those that are found in other writers. For as he had been himself employed in the exercise of arms, and had joined to. a consummate skill, a long expe- rience likewise in the art of war, he from thence was able to relate all military events with clearness and precision ; to assign to every term its own proper place and peculiar sense; and to avoid that intricacy in which the historians, who have trans- mitted to us an account of the Roman wars, are frequently entangled. In the last place we may remark, that the inten- tion of the author in that very comment of which we have been speaking, was not, as is commonly supposed, to illustrate or remove the difficulties of the original, but chiefly to accommo- date to his own favourite system the battles whic there described; and to make, as himself declares, ‘“ Polybius taore subservient to the comment, than the comment to Polybius.” From hence, therefore, has it happened, as’ it might indeed most reasonably be expected, and as every candid and judicious reader will be ready to acknowledge, that, in the execution of this boid design, numberless passages are tortured, misunder- stood, and misapplied; and that even the prints which are added in the work are, in many important points, defective ; and in many also repugnant to the plain expressions of the text.
x PREFACE.
haps, there should be found under this rough cover- ing some delicious kind of fruit; some excellencies which may be esteemed a more than equal counter- poise to his defects. And this is that which we shall now consider.
In ali the various history of that great people, whose power, from small contemptible beginnings, was by degrees extended to the limits of the world, and whose virtue, policy, and laws, are still respected and approved, if there be any part more useful, more important, and more illustrious than the rest, it is, beyond all doubt, that very period which furnished the materials of the following work. A period not weakened and deformed by senseless fictions, the offspring of wild vanity, and impure tradition ; but resting on the grounds of solid truth, and unsus- pected testimony. A period which displays this celebrated empire, not struggling with the dangers and the ills of feeble infancy, nor tottering under the oppressive weight of age; but firm in manly strength, mature in vigour, active, ardent, uncontrolled, invin- cible. In the scene here presented to us we are not, on the one hand, led to view the momentary wars, the precarious and unmeditated conquests, the intes- tine feuds and jealousies, the rage and madness, of a half-instructed and half-policied people, rough and savage in their manners, virtuous to the extreme, and exulting in a licentious and ungovernable free- dom. Nor is it, on the other hand, the sad picture of a state, corrupted: and dispirited through the soft arts of luxury, disgraced by vices, and enshinde to tyrants. The anaes of this period offer a far nobler spectacle ; a government arrived at perfect growth,
PREFACE. xi
and flourishing in the fairest form; a steady, deep, extensive, and foreseeing policy; a people, joined together by great and generous sentiments, even more than by he ties of common interest’; a sove- reign power, exerted solely to maintain the general ‘ete di; a liberty restrained by reason, and submissive to the authority of laws. ;
A state thus framed, and thus conducted, could not long remain insensible of its ‘own inherent strength: and force. From this time, therefore, it seemed to be a matter of small moment and import- ance to the Romans that they should be able effec- tually to employ their talents and their pdwer to maintain their empire in tranquillity and dignity, to afford security to their allies, and hold all the ‘neigh- bouring states under due restraint. ~ Seated as it were upon a strong and lofty eminence, they begin now to extend their views even to countries the most remote; and resolve to bend the most haughty and most powerful kingdoms to their laws. The con- quest of the world was judged to be an easy task to a people whose expectations of success were not founded upon their armies, however strong and numerous, nor even upon their military skill and discipline, however perfect and accomplished ; but sprung solely from the exertion of a steady wisdom, and sedate discernment; from a foresight, hidh had weighed all T Bisita from regular designs, whose. joint dependence was of itself sufficient to` carry them into execution ; from vigorous counsels, which disdained resistance ; and from a firmness which derided ill success, and rose i ‘superior to the heaviest strokes. of fortune. Nor did the event in
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any point deceive their hopes. The most skilful dexterous, and undaunted general of all that the world had seen, in vain leads his army from the extreme boundaries of Spain, traverses the Pyre- neeans and the Alps, and falls, like thunder, upon Italy. Battle after battle lost, the bravest of the legions slain, the country wasted and destroyed, provinces revolting or subdued, in vain threaten the extiñcüon of the name of Rome. The Romans, conscious still of their superior force, and standing firm against misfortune, are persuaded that, unless themselves first lose all hope, their country never can be lost. Their wounds, though deep and bleeding, instead of draining from the members all their vital strength, serve only to call forth new streams of vigour from the heart. Their policy, their manners, the frame itself of the republic, all join to afford re- sources inexhaustible, and ‘which seem. even to be multiplied by their defeats. Thus armed, and thus supported, what wonder was it that, in the end, they should prevail against an enemy whose very govern- ment itself, instead of being fortified with the like advantages, was such as baffled even the fortune and the skill of their own enterprising and’ triumphant general, and rendered useless all his victories. An- nibal, enfeebled by success, exhausted by continual conquest, and in vain exerting his utmost efforts to subdue a people who rose with redoubled strength from every fall, was at last forced to return, and employ all his courage and abilities to rescue his own proper country from that destruction with which he had so lately threatened Rome. But what courage, what abilities, could prolong the existence of an
PREFACE. xili
empire, destitute of all internal force, and which carried in its bosom the immediate causes of decay and dissolution ? The haughty Carthage, the tyrant of Spain and Afric, the sovereign mistress of com- merce and the sea, bends her neck to the yoke; and from this time leaves full leisure to-the Romans to pursue, step by step, the traces of their first design ; to remove each obstacle as they advanced ;. to divide, unite, oppose, and counterbalance, the interests and the strength of the most formidable states, till they all became alike incapable of resisting, and. were in turn compelled to feel and to acknowledge that they had no laws left, no counsels, customs, manners, policy, but the sole will of this inyjnoiplg and wise republic »,
Such were the times, in mae Polybius lived ; and such the spectacle which he chose to: illustrate in his writings. A spectacle, transcending all that can be offered to our view, I do not say in the rude age of Rome, but in those admired and boasted an- nals likewise which belong to the later periods of
—
> It seemed unnecessary to enter here into any more circum- stantial or particular detail of the design and limits of the his- tory, or to enumerate singly all the events which it contained ; not only because the author himself has given a very distinct and clear account both of the general form and nature of his undertaking, and of the distribution and the order of its several parts; but because it has happened likewise that of the whole of theoriginal work, which was extended to the number of forty books, five only have been rescued from the hand of time. Yet these, as they are come to us entire, so are they perfect also with respect to the subjects of which they treat ; and will, if I mis- take not, fully exemplify all that is affirmed concerning the cha- racter and peculiar talents of the author.
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this great empire; as much as disorder is. excelled by union ; effeminate baseness, by heroic bravery ; corrupted manners, by disinterested virtue; vile ` submission, by a generous and manly love of liberty ; or the little arts of jealous tyrants and ambitious mi- nisters, temporary shifts, and expedients of a day, by that enlarged and powerful policy, which looks forward to all future time, embraces every object, and attracts within the circle of its system every possible event.
As the subject, therefore, is thus great and in- teresting, let us, in the next place, examine likewise, whether the work itself be not distinguished also by some peculiar characters of excellence that raise it above other histories, and which serve clearly to il- lustrate and enforce the dignity and whole ' import- ance of the events of which it treats.
If we consider first, what kind of talents, genius, and abilities, should be required to display in the fullest light the wonders of so august a scene, and to point out distinctly, to the present and to future times, all the advantages that might be drawn from a period thus pregnant with instruction, it will at once be obvious to remark, that such a work must very far exceed the highest reach of any rhetorician, however eloquent and learned, or any sophist, how- ever penetrating and acute; and could only be suc- cessfully performed by one whose knowledge of mankind, and long practice in the affairs of govern- ment, joined to an habitual and close attention to the designs, the workings, and effects of policy, had enabled him to lift up the veil, and to view at leisure the secret springs that actuated, and pushed for-
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wards, all the great machine ; by one whose fortunes and condition had opened to him the means of being perfectly instructed and informed ; by one who had been himself a witnéss to the events which he re» lates, or had received his accounts at least from those that were; by one whom credulity, or vanity, never could herie to disgrace the truth by splendid mirà- cles, and deform fact by fiction; and lastly, by one whose natural love of virtue, and consciousness of the importance of the trust in which he had engaged, should force his own- passions, humour, interest, to fall back and to disappear, and substitute in. their place an exaetness, candour, and fidelity, superior to reproach or censure, and exempt from all suspi: cion. ,
Such must be the writer to whose testimony we should yield a full assent, to whose authority we should submit, and whose wisdom we shoiild blindly-trust to guide us, through thé long labyrinth of causés and events, into a clear and comprehensive view of the motions, advancement, and whole progress, of the Roman greatness; and such, in every point, was that historian whose character we are here endeavoui- ing to describe. Illustrious: by his birth, and not less distinguished by the greatness of his sentiments, the wisdom of his counsels, : his skill in war,- his steady virtue, and sincere attachment to the interests of his country, he began to be considered, éven in early age, as the chief ‘support of that republic in whose firmness were deposited the small remains of Grecian liberty. As on the one hand, therefore, his rank and his abilities, with the important ‘parts which he sustained in every public measure and
xvi PREFACE.
debate, disclosed to him all the various scenes of go» vernment ; so the condition also of the times, and his earnest zeal for the general good, urged him, on the other hand, to call forth every talent into action; to survey with the nicest care the present and past for- tunes of his country ; to trace backwards every step _ by which subjection had advanced towards them in the place of glory ; and to review, to weigh, and to examine, the designs, effects, and influence, of that artful and ambitious policy, which, after having con- quered or deluded so many different nations, had at last triumphed likewise over Greece, and, under the specious pretence of restoring every city to indepen- dency and freedom, had, in reality, infolded all alike in silken fetters, to be loosened, or strained close, as occasion should demand.
* Such talents, such experience, and such researches, might doubtless have delayed, though not averted, the last fatal stroke, which not long afterwards com- pleted the destruction of the Achzeans, and of Greece. But the Romans, from whose attention the most distant danger never could escape, made haste to de- prive a people, whom they had destined to be slaves, of the assistance and support of every citizen whose courage or abilities seemed likely to spread wide a contagious spirit, and, together with the love of free- dom, to inspire also by degrees a strength dki to shake off the yoke.
This banishment, which was decreed in common to all the inhabitants of Peloponnesus, whose virtue was become their crime, as it was honourable to Po- lybius, proved highly beneficial likewise to all future times. Torn by violence from the service of: his
PREFACE. xvii
country, and fixed to a long abode in that great city, which was the fountain of all the counsels that di- rected and sustained the Roman empire, he had now both leisure and the means to draw together the in- struction that was requisite; for carrying into execu- tion the design which he had formed ; to compare observation and conjecture with fact and certainty ;, to copy the detail of all great events from authentic monuments, and from the memoirs of those illus- trious persons, who had been the chief actors in the scene; to view closely, and without disguise, the manners, temper, inclinations, and whole conduct ofa people, who had thus forced the most powerful king- doms to receive their laws ; to inspect all the move- ments of that’ regulated wisdom which had saved their state from imminent ruin; and to trace to their sources those internal springs of strength and vigour which had nourished and enlarged its growth ; in a word, to compose that history, which, piercing through the clouds of ignorance and error, assigned to every incident its own genuine motive ; unfolded the most complicated causes ; and, by joining to an — exact and accurate description of wars, embassies, and treaties, a full and distinct display of the coun- sels, maxims, laws, the prudence, constancy, and courage, with the whole military and domestic dis- cipline that were peculiar to: the Romans, made it manifest to all mankind that the greatness to which this people had now raised their empire was by no means the work of fortune, or the effect of a bold and. enterprising rashness; but the necessary and mature..result of strenuous efforts and regular de- signs, conducted by a firm.and penetrating policy, VOL. I, c
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which no precautions could elude, and no force was able to subdue. l In discharging a task òf so great extent and diffi- culty, and of such vast importance likewise in its use, it cannot surely be thought astonishing or strange that this wise historian should have been diverted, or withheld, from paying a due attention
to the embellishments of art, and charms of elo-
quence. But whatever censure may be thrown upon him for having slighted all those graces, which would doubtless have diffused some lustre through his work, it must be acknowledged, on the other hand, that, together with them, he has rejected likewise all the false, though specious, ornaments which disgrace the compositions even of the most esteemed and wisest ancients. The desire to strike and surprise, to please and captivate, diversified perhaps according to the different talents of the writer, has, in all times, ‘covered history with a delusive glare, which serves only to mislead us from that knowledge which is the object of ‘our search. Hence that unnatural mixture of record with tra- dition, truth with fable,- and the long train of brilliant wonders which are scattered through the annals of almost ‘every agé, and every people. Hence those discourses and harangués which, having been forgéd and moulded in the shade of contém- plative and obscure retirement, confound All distinc- tions of men, characters, and times. Hence like- wise all the laboured pageantry, the adventitious and far-sought circumstances which are brought to swell description, and to adorn and dignify the scene’; to fill the mind with admiration ; to meélt into compas-
~
PREFACE, XIX
sion; or to subdue by terror. Hence, lastly, that ambitious care which is discovered even in the gravest writers; who, not content with having co- pied the bare features of the original that was before them, like painters, call forth all their skill to give | also a finishing to the piece ; and join, to the resem- blance that is found in nature, those strokes which enlarge and heighten each deformity, or spread a fuller brightness over every beauty. ‘But to the author, A work we are now considering, it was reserved as his peculiar praise, to have first dis- cerned, that history, if she would prove a secure and useful guide; must walk hand in hand with life; and that instruction, whether moral or political, was never to be fixed upon the weak foundation of imaginary facts. It is not, therefore, the writer, whom we view before us, eager of applause, and impatient to draw from us an admiration of his art, in having decked the truth in a splendid dress, and thrown into her train a gay assemblage of well- fancied, possible events. But it is the statesman, the general, the philosopher, who speaks to us, as in his closet, in familiar language ; recounts simply all that was transacted ; confirms fact by testimony ; and enables us to derive an easy and immediate profit likewise from the prudence or misconduct of past times, by reflections deep and solid, and such as our OWN reason cannot but approve, when they are gently enforced upon us as by the authority of a parent, or urged with the fond affection of a_ friend. i How steadily indeed must we revere, and how willingly attend to, the lessons of a man, whose c2
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probity shines out in every part, even far more conspicuous than his wisdom. Blinded by no in- terest, nor seduced by any mistaken zeal, as he never is himself deceived, so neither does he attempt to lead others into error. Unmoved by the ill fate of Greece, and his own loss of friends and dignity, he describes even those events, which seldom fail to awaken some resentment, grief, or jealous hatred, with all the coldness of an unconcerned spectator ; and pays due homage, though unmixed with adu- lation, to those great qualities which had raised the ` structure of the Roman glory upon the ruins of his own degenerate country. Hence it is that we dis- cern, even upon the slightest view, a certain candour and sincerity spread through his work, which we in vain should hope to find in other writers; a candour, which never hides the faults of friends, nor tarnishes the virtues of an enemy ; a candour, which presents all objects in their naked state, free from the disguise of passion; and which weighs contending testimonies in an equal scale ; in a word, a candour, which, like an artless honesty of face, carries even in its air and first appearance those strong proofs of genuine and unfeigned simplicity, which irresistibly command our approbation, and engage our favour. Such was the author, who, when living, was the friend, the companion, and instructor, of the gene- rous and heroic Scipio; and whose writings, in a later age, were the earnest study, and chief consola- tion also, of the wise and virtuous Brutus.
It remains that I now speak a word or two concerning the translation; not to mislead the opinion, or prevent the judgment, of the reader ;
PREFACE. xxi
but simply to inform him what it is that he is chiefly to expect from my own endeavours in the following work. |
There are two things, nis wtiebhea and distinct, which are demanded always of translators; that they understand well the text; and render it also well. With regard to the first of these, in what degree I may have been exempt from ‘errors, must be facholly left to others to determine. I can only say, that I have spared no pains to arrive at a full and entire conception of the sense; by tracing the author closely through his own peculiar turn and use of sentiments and language ; by comparing different texts ; consulting different versions ; and by weigh- ing all the explanations and corrections that have occasionally been proposed.
But in a task of this kind, barely to understand the meaning of an author, though it often may require indeed beth patience and activity, is by much the least part of the toil. To render every word by an equivalent expression, and every sen- tence in the same just measure ; to preserve each different character of sentiment and phrase ; and to delineate, stroke by stroke, the movements of the mind or heart ; these are the difficulties in translat- ing, that demand an attention, time, and pains, which never can be fully known, but by those alone who have made the trial. As these difficulties, however, are either slighter, or more hard to be sur- mounted, according to the several stamps of excel- lence, and the various modes of beauty, that are peculiar to the originals, it must be acknowledged, that, in the work of the author who is now before
xxii PREFACE.
us, they are by no means such as should discourage any one from attempting to give a perfect copy of it in a different language. For there are here no beauties whose spirit might be lost in being trans- fused ; no force, or elegance, or just propriety, that demand an exact similitude of corresponding terms; no flowing, regulated numbers, whose harmony can only be preserved by the same fixed accents and chosen sounds ; no painting of the passions, in which even the smallest change would mar the likeness, and de- stroy all the beauty of the piece. But, on the other hand, the very want of these excellencies, while it freed me from a heavy and laborious duty, at the same time imposed a task upon me, notless difficult than the other ; the task of veiling those deformities that might have raised disgust ; and of clothing the author, not in any ostentatious or splendid habit, but in a dress which, though suitable in every part to his own deportment, air, and character, might be also such as should draw towards him the attention and the favour of the present age. With this view I have not scrupled to endeavour through the whole, as well by changing sometimes the expression, as by breaking the order likewise of the sentences, to soften what appeared too harsh, and to give a modest polish to all that was found too rough. In a word, my chief care and pains, after the task of reporting faithfully the sense, have been employed to spread one simple, grave, and sober colouring over all the work ; to render the diction strong, expressive, even, and correct ; and to give to the periods a roundness, a stability, and varied cadence. If this part, there- fore, of the labour should be judged to have been
PREFACE. xxiii
executed with success, it is hoped that any omis- sions, or mistakes, of lighter moment, ied more yeadily obtain excuse.
I shall only add, that when I first engaged in this work many years ago, my intention was, to have joined with the translation such observations and re- marks as might have served not only to explain the difficulties, but to illustrate also and enforce the strong sense and wise reflections that are spread through all the following history ; to have cleared the obscurity which arises oftentimes from remote allusions, or an imperfect detail of facts ; to have opened those peculiarities of customs and of manners which, whenever they occur, raise doubt and hesi- tation in the unlearned reader ; to have pointed out the uses, or defects, of ‘various institutions, in re- ligion, laws, and’ government ; and, above all the rest, to have traced, step by step, the advancement of the Roman greatness ; to have called back also to the scene the illustrious times of Greece, and ‘compared the glory of that country. with its last de- cline; and, in a word, to have displayed in one ‘entire anid eonnected view the whole conduct, and the various fortunes of those great nations, ‘whose sages, and whose herdes, seem to have s6ared ‘above the ordinary limits of humanity ; and whose story, while it instructs and warms, should teach us also to spurn away those narrow politics, and that base depravity, which have fixed shackles upon our own contracted wisdom and feeble virtue. Such was my design ; the first draught of which was nearly finished, and materials collected in large abundance for the whole. But various accidents from time to time
ee PREFACE.
obstructed the progress of it; and I have now neither leisure nor inclination to complete it. Yet as I had gone through the most difficult and irksome, as well as the most useful part likewise of the whole per- formance, I was not willing entirely to suppress it. For I flatter myself that the public will owe me some acknowledgment, if this translation should prove the means of spreading into many hands a treasure of inestimable value, which the roughness and inelegance, and numerous difficulties that occur, both in the language, and construction, and sense of the original, have hitherto confined to a few. If this, indeed, should be the event, I neither shall re- gret the labour which the one part of the work has cost me, nor grieve for the disappointment in the other; but shall think my pains well rewarded in having thus been able to bring into the open light a merit which had long languished in obscurity ; and to substitute,.in the place, perhaps, of studies either trifling or pernicious, the knowledge of an author, whose writings, though broken and imperfect, not only contain the fullest lessons of civil prudence, but also every where. abound with strong incitements to the practice.of all those social virtues which en- dear men to themselves, and render them useful citi- zens to their country.
co
THE GENERAL HISTORY
” OF
POLYBIUS.
BOOK THE FIFTH.
“CHAP. I.
TH: year of the preetorship of the younger eins was just now ended with the rising. of the Pleiades; for in this manner the Achzans computed the course of time. - This mayistrate, therefore, resigned his office, and was succeeded
by Eperatus. Dorimachus was prætor. of the Ætolians. — About the same time Annibal, as the summer now ap- proached, having declared without reserve his intention to make war against the Romans, led his forces from New Carthage, passed the Iberus, and continued his march towards Italy; while the Romans sent on their part Tibe-
„rius Sempronius with an army into Afric, and. Publius
Cornelius into Spain. At the same time also Ptolemy and Antiochus, who both claimed the sovereignty of Ccele- Syria, having lost all hope of being able to settle their pretensions by embassies or treaties, » Prepared to end the dispute by arms. Philip, beginning now to be in want both of provisions and of money to support his troops, desired the Achzan Magistrates to give. orders for assembling the council of the states. But when these were met together at Ægium, according to the laws of the republic, the king, perceiving VOL. II. B
eo
2 -THE GENERAL HISTORY BOOK V,
4
that Aratus, stung with the disgrace which he had received in the late election through the bad practices of Apelles, was inclined rather to oppose than advance his service, and that on the other hand, Eperatus was by nature desti- „tute ofall those talents that are requisite for the conduct of affairs, and was also held in great contempt by all, was then fully sensible of ‘the folly of those measures which Apelles and Leontius had engaged him to pursue, and ‘resolved to recover again the confidence and favour of Aratus. He prevailed, therefore, with the magistrates to remove the assembly of the states to Sicyon; and having there addressed himself in private both to the elder and the younger Aratus, and charged Apelles with the blame of all that had been transacted, he pressed them to resume their former sentiments. To this request they both readily consented; and the king, through their pains and influ- ence, obtained afterwards from the assembly the full ac- complishment of all that he desired. For by the decree that now was made, the states engaged to pay to him fifty talents, on the day when he should first begin his march; to furnish three months’ stipend for the troops, with ten thousand measures of corn; and to pay also seventeen talents monthly, during his stay in Peloponnesus. « After these resolutions, the assembly separated, and the Achæans returned again to their several cities.
The king, when hevhad drawn all the troops together from their winter quarters, and had held a consultation with his friends, resolved now to carry on the war by sea. For as by this method he might himself be able to fall suddenly upon his enemies from every side; so these, on the other hand, must wholly lose the power of sending any assistance to each other; separated, as they were, in remote and distant provinces, and alarmed by apprehen- sions for their own particular safety, against an enemy to whose motions they would then. be strangers, and whose descent upon their country might be made with no less celerity than secrecy; for the people against whom he
CHAP. I. . OF POLYBIUS. “Ts
was now engaged were the Ætolians, the Lacedemo- nians, and the Eleans. Being -fixed, therefore, in this design, he drew together to Lechzeum all the vessels that belonged to the Achzeans, together with his own; and gave orders that the soldiers should be employed conti- nually in the exercise of the oar. The Macedonians submitted to the task with the greatest promptness and alacrity. For, these troops, whose courage in the field stands firm against every danger, are not less useful and intrepid upon the sea, whenever occasion demands their service. Active also, and inured to the perpetual toil of digging trenches, and of fortifying camps, they reject no kind of military labour; but are, on the contrary,’ as Hesiod writes of the Æacidæ, “ more pleased with battles _ than with feasts.” |
But while Philip and the Macedonians were thus busy in completing all the naval preparations, Apelles, perceiv- ing that the king was no longer governed by him as before, and being unable to support the loss of his autho- rity, formed secretly an engagement with. Leontius and Megaleas, by which it was agreed, that these two, still remaining near the king, should be ready, as occasion served, to frustrate all his counsels, and obstruct his mea- sures; and that himself, in the mean while, would go to Chalcis, and take care to stop all supplies that were ex- pected to come that way. When this wicked project was thus concerted, Apelles, having by some false pretences obtained permission to depart, went accordingly to Chal- cis; and there, with the help of that authority which had grown from his former credit with the king, he so well performed his part in this base and ielaaieavod engage-
ment, that Philip was at last reduced to an entire want of necessaries, and forced even to set his plate in pawn, in order to procure a subsistence from it.
As soon as the fleet was ready, and the troops all per- fect in their exercise, the king, having first distributed some corn and money among, his army, sailed out to sea;
BZ
4 THE GENERAL HISTORY Book v.
and arrived in two days at Patræ> The forces that were with him were six thousand Macedonians, and -twelve hundred mercenaries. About the same time, Dorimachus, the Ætolian prætor, sent away five hundred Neocretans, under the command of Agelaus and Scopas, to the assist- ance of the Eleans. The Eleans also, being apprehensive that Philip would attempt to besiege Cyllene, drew to- gether some troops of mercenaries, trained the forces of the country, and fortified the place with care. Philip, therefore, having been informed of all these preparations, resolved to leave in Dyme the Achæan mercenaries with the Cretans; some Gallic horse, and two thousand men, selected from the infantry of the Achæans; as well to support himself, if there should be occasion for it, as to cover and secure the country against the attempts of the Eleans. And having sent his orders to the Messenians, the Epirots, Acarnanians, and to Scerdilaidas, that they should complete the equipment of their vessels, and join him at Cephallenia, he then sailed away from Patræ to that island at the time appointed, and cast anchor near a little town called Proni. But because the country round it.was close and difficult, and the place not easy to be invested, he continued his course forwards to Pala, and perceiving that this part of the island was full of corn, and promised a plentiful subsistence to his army, he disem- barked all his forces, and there encamped. And having drawn his ships to Jand, and thrown up an intrenchment round them, he sent away the troops to gather in the corn; while himself surveyed the city from every side, in order to discover in what manner he might best advance his works, and plant his machines. against it; designing, when the allies had joined -him, to use his utmost efforts to become master of the place. For by this conquest, as the Ætoliaņns would, on. the one hand, be deprived of a place that was of great importance to them; since their custom was, to make descents from hence in Cephallenian vessels upon the coast of Peloponnesus, Acarnania, and
CHAP. I. OF POLYBIUS. aes
Epirus; so on the other hand, the king and his allies, when they had gained this post, might fall with great advantage upon the country of their enemies. For Ce- phallenia lies opposite to the Corinthian gulf, extending towards the sea of Sicily. It joins closely upon the north and western coasts of Peloponnesus, being nearest to Elea, and looks also towards the south and western sides of Epirus, Acarnania, and Ætolia. The king, therefore, perceiving that the island was situated with so great advantage, as well for assembling the allies, and covering all their lands from insult, as for invading also the pro- vinces of the enemy, was impatient to attempt the conquest of it. And because Palzea was almost every way secured by precipices, or the sea, and was only to be approached by a small and narrow plain, that looked towards Za- cynthus, he resolved to advance his works upon that side only, and to fix there the whole business of the siege. While Philip was thus employed in forming the mea- sures that were necessary for the attack, he was joined by fifteen vessels sent by Scerdilaidas; who was prevented from sending any greater number by some commotions that had- happened in Illyria among the chiefs of the country. The Epirots also joined him, together with the Acarnanians and Messenians. For as Phigalea now was taken' from the Ætolians, the Messenians had no longer any pretence for refusing their assistance in the war. When all things were ready for the siege, and the balistee and the catapults disposed in every place from whence they might with best success repel the efforts of the enemy, the king, having exhorted the Macedonians to be strenuous in their duty, ordered them to approach the walls, and to open a mine under cover of the machines. The Macedonians pursued their task with so great dili- gence and ardour that the walls were in a short time un- dermined to the length of about five hundred feet. Philip then approached the city, and pressed the inhabitants to accept conditions from him. And when his offers were B3
6 THE GENERAL HISTORY BOOK V.
rejected, he set fire to the timber that supported that part of the wall which was undermined. ‘The wall immediately fell down; and the peltastee, who were commanded by Leontius, being divided into cohorts, were ordered to force their way through the breach, and to storm the city. But this general, remembering the engagement into which he had entered with Apelles, though three young soldiers had already passed the breach, stopped them from ad- vancing, and would not suffer the city to be taken. And 2s he had before corrupted also the chief among the officers, and himself at this time likewise, instead of leading on the troops with vigour to the charge, appeared struck with consternation, and spread his fears into the rest, the Ma- cedonians were at last repulsed, though they might without much difficulty have made themselves masters of the place. The king, when he perceived the cowardice of the generals, and that many of the soldiers also were disabled by their wounds, was forced to raise the siege, and to deliberate with his friends concerning the measures that were next to be pursued.
About this time Lycurgus entered the province of Messenia with an army; while Dorimachus, with one half of the Ætolian forces, made an incursion also into Thes- saly; being persuaded that by this diversion they should draw away the Macedonians from Palea. The Acarna- nians and Messenians, alarmed by the approach of the enemy towards them, sent some deputies to the king, and entreated them to raise the siege. The Acarnanians pressed him to remove the war at once into Ætolia, and thus, by wasting all the country, which was now left with- out defence, to constrain Dorimachus to’ return again, before he had entered Macedon. The Messenians, on the other hand, importuned him with no less earnestness to march to the assistance of their country; representing to him, that as the Etesian winds had now begun ta blow, he might pass in one day’s sailing from Cephallenia to Mes- senia, and fall upon Lycurgus before he could receive any
CHAP. I. OF POLYBIUS. 7
notice of his approach. This was the advice which was urged by Gorgus, the chief of the Messenian deputies. Leontius also, pursuing still his first design, supported it with all his strength ; being well assured that no measures could more effectually obstruct the progress of the war. For it was easy indeed to transport the army to Messenia, but it was not possible to return again till the season cf these winds was passed. The Macedonians, therefore, confined within the limits of that province, must have been forced to waste the whole summer in inaction; while the Ætolians, on the other hand, might have plundered Thes- saly and Epirus, and destroyed all the country at their ` leisure. So pernicious were the counsels which these men recommended to the king.
But Aratus, who was present, opposed this sentiment ; and advised the king to advance without delay into Ætolia ; since, while Dorimachus was absent with the forces, it would be easy to run through all the province, and to plunder it without resistance. Philip, who before was much dissatisfied with Leontius, on account of his ill con- duct in the siege, and who began also to suspect some treachery, from the advice which this minister had so warmly urged with respect to the course that was now most proper to be taken, resolved to yield to the opinion of Aratus. He sent orders, therefore, to Eperatus, that he should draw together the Achzean forces, and march to the assistance of the Messenians; while himself steered away from Cephallenia with the fleet; and after'two days’ sailing arrived at Leucas in the night. From thence, | having before made all things ready for his design, he passed his vessels over the neck of land called Dioryctus into the Ambracian gulf, which, as we have already men- tioned, flows from the sea of Sicily, and enters far into the inland parts of Acarnania. He then steered his.course up the gulf; and arriving at Limnza before break of day, gave orders that the soldiers should take their usual repast, and leave behind them likewise all their heavy baggage,
B4
8 THE GENERAL HISTORY BOOK V.
that they might not be incumbered in their march. He called together also all the guides; and informed himself with great exactness of the nature of the country, and of the strength and situation of the neighbouring cities.
In this place he was joined by Aristophantus the prætor of the Acarnanians, with all the forces of the country. For the people of this province had long wished with the greatest earnestness for some occasion to revenge the in- sults which they had in former times received from the fEtolians. ` As soon, therefore, as the king arrived, they all took arms; not those alone that were obliged to it by the laws, but many also of the older men, whose age had exempted them from service. The Epirots, who had also been exposed to the same injurious treatment from the /Mtolians, were on their part animated likewise with the same resentment. But because the arrival of the king was sudden, and their country also of great extent, they wanted the leisure that was necessary for assembling together the forces of the province. With regard to the /tolians, Dorimachus, as we have already mentioned, had taken with him one half of their troops; being persuaded that.the rest would be sufficient.to defend the country, in his absence, against all surprise.
The king, having left his baggage behind him with a proper guard, began his march from Limnza in the cina and when he had gained the distance of about sixty stadia, he ordered the troops to take their supper; and having aliowed a short time for their repose, he again set forwards, and continuing his march all night, arrived before break of day upon the river Achelous, between Stratus and Conope. His intention was to fall suddenly upon the place called Thermum, before the inhabitants could be able to receive the news of their approach. Leontius clearly saw, that this design must inevitably be attended with success, and that all the efforts of the enemy would be vain and useless. For besides that the arrival of the Macedonians was so quick and unexpected, the Æto-
CHAP. 1. OF POLYBIUS. 9
lians also, having never entertained the least suspicion that the king would throw himself with so great confidence into the very middle of a’ country that was strong and difficult, were wholly unprepared to resist a danger, of which they had conceived no apprehensions. Reflecting, therefore, upon these two circumstances, and being constant to the engagement into which he had entered with Apelles, he pressed the king to encamp upon the river Achelous, that the troops, who had marched all night, might enjoy some rest, and be recovered again from their fatigue. His intention was, that the Ætolians might from thence gain time to make the preparations that were necessary for their defence. But Aratus on the other hand, well knowing how soon, in all such enterprises, the favourable moment might be irrecoverably lost, and perceiving also that the purpose of Leontins was plainly to obstruct the progress of the war, urged the king to proceed without delay, and not suffer the occasion to escape. Philip, who was already much displeased with the whole conduct of Leontius, approved of this advice; and having passed the river, continued: his route in haste towards Ther mum, burning and destroying the country as he marched. Leaving on the left hand Stratus, Thestia, and Agrinium; and-on his right, Co- nope, Lysimachia, Trichonium, and Phceteum; he arrived at a town called Metapa, which was situated in the entrance of those passes that led along the lake Trichonis, and was distant from Thermum about sixty stadia. The /Etolians fled from the place upon his approach, and the king posted in it a body of five hundred men, as well to cover his entrance as to secure also his retreat back again through the passes. For the country that lay along the borders of the lake was rough and mountainous, and covered all with woods, so that the passage through it was extremely close and difficult. Philip entered the defiles; placing in his van the mercenaries, behind these the Illyrians, and after them the soldiers of the phalanx. The Cretans closed the rear. The Thracians and the light-armed forces were
10 THE GENERAL HISTORY BOOK V.
disposed upon the right, and marched with equal pace, but at some distance from the main body, The left was covered by the lake, to the length of thirty stadia. Hav- ing gained the end of the defiles, they came to a village that was called Pampbiai The king, when he had posted a body of troops in this place also, continued his march forwards towards Thermum, through a road that was not only very steep and rough, but surrounded on all sides likewise by lofty precipices, so that in many parts it was not to be passed without great danger. ‘The whole height also of the ascent was almost ua, stadia, But the Ma- cedonians pursued their way with so great diligence and vigour that they soon gained the summit, and arrived at Thermum, while it was yet full day. The king fixed his camp near the city, and from thence sent away the troops to ravage all the villages and neighbouring plains. They pillaged the houses of the city likewise; which were not only filled with corn, and every kind of necessaries, but with great quantities of rich and costly furniture. For as this was the place in which the Ætolians celebrated every year their games and markets, and held also their assem- blies for electing magistrates, they always laid up in it the most valuable of all their goods for the use of these solem- nities, and the more splendid reception of their guests. They were persuaded likewise that their riches could no where be deposited in a place of greater safety. For such was the strength and situation of this city that it was con- sidered as the citadel of all Aitolia. And, indeed, before this time no enemy had ever ventured to approach it. The long peace also which the country had enjoyed had afforded both the leisure and the means to heap together
all that various wealth and plenty which now filled the’
houses that were round the temple, and all the neighbouring parts.
The Macedonians, having gained an immense booty, in the evening reposed themselves in their tents. On the following day they selected from the plunder whatever was
`
CHAP. 1. ' OF POLYBIUS. 1k
of greatest value, and most easy to be removed; and burned the rest in heaps before the camp. They took likewise all the arms that were fixed round the porticos of the temple, and reserving the most splendid of them as their prize, exchanged some others also for their own. The rest, which were in number more than fifteen thou- sand, were all consumed in fire. Thus far nothing had been done that was contrary to justice, or repugnant to the laws of war. But what censure must we pass on that which followed? Urged by the remembrance of those cruel ravages which the Avtolians had committed at Dium and Dodona, they now set fire to the porticos of the temple, and destroyed the votive offerings; among which there were some that were the work of most exquisite art, and finished at a great expence. Nor were they satisfied with burning the roofs only of the sacred edifice, but even razed the temple to the ground. They threw down also all the statues, which were not fewer than two thousand; breaking many of them in pieces, and sparing those alone that bore the names or the resemblance of the gods. They then wrote upon the walls that celebrated verse vhich was one of the first productions of the dawning genius of
Samus the son of Chrysogonus, who was the foster-brother of the king:
Remember Dium : thence this shaft was sped.
The king himself, and those that were about him, promoted all this violence with a kind of frantic zeal and fury ; being persuaded, that it was no more than a just and suitable retaliation and revenge for those impieties which the Æto- lians had before committed. But in my judgment their conduct upon this occasion is very greatly to be blamed. Whether my sentiments are just or not, may be judged. from those examples which may be found in the same royal house of Macedon. When Antigonus, after he had defeated Cleomenes in battle, and forced him to leave his kingdom, became master of Sparta, so that the city and
A
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19 THE GENERAL HISTORY BOOK V.
the vanquished citizens were wholly in his power; he was so far from treating them with ‘any kind of rigour or seve-
rity, that, on the contrary, he established hed again in perfect freedom, and restored ‘to them their laws am an- cient government; and when he had displayed his gene- rosity and clemency, as well in many particular instances, as in the favours also which he conferred in general upon their state, he returned back to Macedon. From this con- duct he was then called the benefactor, and, after his death, the preserver of that people; and gained immortal fame and honour not only among the Lacedzmonians, but from all the states of Greece. That Philip also, who first en- larged the bounds of the Macedonian empire, and spread wide the splendour of this house, when he had defeated the Athenians in the fight of Cheronea, obtained much more by his humane and gentle conduct after the victory, than he had gained by his arms. For by these he subdued indeed the enemies that were in arms against him; but by his gentleness and moderation he vanquished all the Athe- nians, and forced Athens itself to receive his laws. In- stead of making his resentment the rule and measure of his conquests, he, on the contrary, pursued his victories no longer than till he had found a fair occasion to display his clemency and his love of virtue. He restored the prison- ers, therefore, without any ransom; allowed the rites of funeral to the soldiers that had fallen in battle; sent Anti- pater to Athens with their bones; and gave habits also to the greater part of those that were released. And thus, by his wise and ‘dexterous conduct, he accomplished with a small expence the greatest purposes. For the haughty spirit of the Athenians was so perfectly subdued by this generous treatment, that from enemies they were changed at once into the most zealous and hearty friends, ready to favour all his interests, and to assist in all his designs. What again was Alexander’s conduct upon a like occasion? In- censed as he was in so high a degree against the people of Thebes, that he ordered all the inhabitants to be sold for
aniani OF POLYBIUS. 13
slaves, and the city to be levelled with the ground, yet so far was he from neglecting that duty which he owed the gods, that, on the contrary, he employed the greatest care that no offence should be committed, even through acci- dent, against the temples, or other consecrated places. At the time of his expedition, likewise, into Asia, to revenge the atrocious insults which the Persians had committed against the states of Greece, he punished the people, in- deed, with such severity as their crimes demanded, but spared the places that were dedicated to the gods; though the Persians, on the contrary, when they invaded Greece, had made all these the special objects of their rage.
Such then was the conduct which Philip should have kept continually in view; -and have made it clear to all mankind that he inherited not the kingdom only, but the generous disposition also, and heroic greatness of his an- cestors. But though he, at all times, employed great pains that men should know that he was allied in blood to Alex- ander and to Philip, he never shewed the least solicitude to emulate their virtues, His reputation, therefore, as he advanced in age, was as different from the fame which those princes had enjoyed, as his manners and his life were different. This difference was clearly seen in the instance of his present conduct. © Blinded by resent- ment, he thought it no crime to repay the devastations which the Ætolians had committed, with the like impious outrages, and thus to remedy one evil by another. In every place, and upon every occasion, he was eager to re- proach Dorimachus and Scopas with all the violence and horrid sacrilege of which they had been guilty at Dium and Dodona; but seemed never to have apprehended, that while he was pursuing the same impious course, the same censure likewise must fall upon himself. For though, by the established laws of war, it is not only just but neces- sary to destroy citadels and cities, ships and harbours,- the fruits also of a country with the inhabitants, in order to weaken the strength and power of our enemies, and to in-
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14; THE GENERAL HISTORY BOOK V.
crease our own; yet, on the other hand, when men extend their fury to those objects whose destruction neither can procure the least advantage to themselves, nor any way disable their opponents from carrying on the war against them, when they burn especially the temples of the gods, break all their statues, and destroy their ornaments, what must we say of such a conduct, but that it is the mere effect of an entire depravity of manners, the work of sense- less rage and madness? For the design of making war among those at least that are of virtuous disposition, is by no means to exterminate the people from whom they have received an injury; but to lead them only to a change of conduct, and to engage them to amend their faults; not to involve the innocent and the guilty in the-same perdition, but rather to exempt them both from ruin. To this we may also add, that it is the part of a tyrant only, who hates his subjects, and is hated by them on account of his wicked actions, to exact by force and terror a reluctant and constrained obedience; while a king, who is wise and moderate in his conduct, humane and generous in his man- ners, obtains the hearts of all his people, who regard him as their friend and benefactor, and submit with cheerful- ness to his commands. -
But in order to conċeive in the clearest manner the whole extent of that mistake which Philip now committed, let us consider what would have been the sentiments of the Ætolians in case that he had pursued a different conduct: and had neither burned the porticos, broken the statues, nor destroyed any of the offerings that were round the temple. For my own part I am persuaded that they must have regarded him as a most humane and virtuous prince. Conscious as they were of all those outrages which they had committed at Dium and Dodona, and knowing also that Philip had, at this time, all things in his power, and that, in treating them with the last severity, he would have done no more, with regard to themselves at least, than what was just and reasonable, they must surely have con-
CHAP. I. OF POLYBIUS. 15
sidered his moderation, in this respect, as a noble effort of a great and generous mind. In this view, while they con- demned their own proceedings, they, on the other hand, would have bestowed on Philip the highest admiration and applause; whose virtue, so worthy of a king, had taught him not only to preserve the duty which he owed the gods, but to set the bounds also to his own just resentment. And, indeed, to conquer enemies by generosity alone and jus- tice, is far more advantageous than any victory that is gained by arms. For the submission of men to these arises wholly from necessity and force; to the former it is free and voluntary. The conquest also, in the one case, is often very dearly purchased; but in the other, the offen- ders are prevailed upon to return again to a better con- duct, without any expence or loss. And what is still of greater moment, the subjects must be allowed to claim the chief part of the success that is obtained by arms; whereas the prince alone reaps all the glory of a victory that is gained by virtue.
But some, perhaps, may think that as Philip was at this time extremely young, he ought not in justice to be charged with all the guilt of these transactions; but that the blame should chiefly be imputed to those that-were the nearest in his confidence, especially to Aratus and Demetrius of Pha- ros. Now with regard to these, it is no hard task to judge, even though we were not present at their deliberations, which of the two it was that urged the king to all this vio- lence. For besides that Aratus, in every action, was dis- tinguished by his caution and deliberate judgment, while Demetrius, on the contrary, was no less noted for his im- prudence and precipitate rashness; there happened after- wards an instance not unlike the present, from which we shall be able to discern, beyond all doubt, what must have been, upon such occasions, the sentiments and conduct of these two persons. But this must be reserved for its pro- per place. We now return from this digression.
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16 THE GENERAL HISTORY BOOK V.
CHAP. II.
‘THE king, taking with him every thing that could be carried or removed, began his march back again from Thermum, by the same way by which he had arrived; placing at the head the booty, with the heavy-armed forces, and the Acarnanians with the mercenaries in the rear. He resolved to pass through the defiles with the quickest haste; not doubting but that the Etolians would take advantage of the difficulty of the way, and fall upon him in his retreat. And this, indeed, soon happened. The people had met together in arms, to the number of about three thousand men, under the command of Alex- ander of Trichonium. While the king remained upon the eminences, they kept themselves at a distance, and lay concealed in obscure and covered places. But as soon as the rear of his army had begun to move, they’ entered Thermum and from thence advanced, and fell upon the hindmost troops. The mercenaries that composed the rear were thrown by this attack into no small confusion; while the Ætolians, perceiving the disorder, and being embold- ened by the. advantage of the ground, pressed the charge with greater vigour than before. But Philip having fore- seen this accident, had taken care, as he descended, to post behind a certain hill a body of Illyrians, with some select men from the peltastze; and these now falling sud- denly upon the enemy, who had advanced beyond them and were following the pursuit with-eagerness, killed a hundred and thirty of them, and took almost an equal number prisoners. ‘The rest fled with‘ great precipitation, and escaped through difficult and unfrequented roads. After this success the rear, setting fire to Pamphia as they marched, passed the defiles with safety, and joined the rest of the army, who were encamped near Metapa, expecting their arrival. The king razed this city to the ground, and the next day advanced to a town called Acre. On the
CHAP. II. OF POLYBIUS. 17.
following day he again decamped, and wasting all the country as he passed, arrived near Conope, and rested there during one whole day. He then continued his- march along the river Achelous towards Stratus. And having passed the river, he for some time stopped his march, at a distance that was beyond the reach of the darts, and offered the troops that were within the city the opportunity of a battle. For he had heard, that three thousand /Etolian infantry, and four hundred horse, to- gether with five hundred Cretans, had thrown themselves into the place. But when they all remained close behind the walls, he continued again his route towards Limnza, where his vessels lay. But scarcely had the hindmost troops passed beyond Stratus when some of the Ætolian cavalry sallied out, and began to disturb the rear. These at first were but few in number; but as they soon were followed by a part also of their infantry, and the Cretan forces, the battle then grew warm, and the troops that were in march were forced to face about to repel the enemy. ‘The contest was for some time equal. But when the Illyrians were ordered also to return, and support the troops that were engaged, the Ætolians, both infantry and cavalry, turned their backs, and fled together in great disorder. The king followed closely even to the very gates, and killed about a hundred of them. After this. attempt, the /Etolians remained quiet within the city; while the rear pursued their march with safety, and joined the rest of the army, and the vessels.
The king, being now encamped at ease, made a solemn sacrifice of thanks to the gods for the success of his late enterprise, and invited his officers to a feast. For all men had considered it as an attempt of the greatest hazard, that he should thus throw himself into a country of such uncommon strength and difficulty, and enter places into which no troops before had ever dared to penetrate.. Yet Philip not only entered them without any loss, but accom- plished likewise all that he designed, and had brought his
VOL. 1I. €
18 THE GENERAL HISTORY BOOK V.
army back again with safety. His joy therefore was ex- treme; and in this disposition he prepared to celebrate his banquet.
But Leontius and Megaleas beheld this happy fortune with no small affliction and concern. Faithful still to their engagement with Apelles, they had employed every art to obstruct the war, and frustrate all the counsels of the king. But so far were they from being able to accom- plish their design, that, on the contrary, this prince had now obtained the utmost of his wishes. They came, how- ever, to the banquet, but with hearts so filled with heavi- ness that the king, with the rest that were present with him, began immediately to suspect that they were strang- ers to the general joy. And indeed when in the progress of the feast the guests all had drunk to great excess, and these also were compelled to fill their glasses with the rest, they at last threw aside the mask, and shewed their senti- ments without disguise. For no sooner was the banquet ended, than their reason being disordered, and their senses lost in wine, they ran every way to seek Aratus: and having found him returning from the feast, after many insults and reproaches they assaulted him with stones. A party soon was formed on either side, and the disorder began to spread through all the camp. The king, being alarmed by the noise, sent some persons to enquire into the causes of it, and to compose the tumult. Aratus related to them the fact as it had happened; and appealed to the testimony of all that had been present, and then withdrew to his tent. Leontius also found some means to slide away unnoticed through the crowd. But Megaleas and Crinon were conducted to the king; who, when he had heard the account of what had passed, reprimanded them with great severity. But so far were they from being humbled by it to any degree of submission er acknow- ledgment, that, on the contrary, they added an aggrava- tion to their fault, and told the king that they never would desist from their design, till they had taken full vengeance
4
CHAP. Il. OF POLYBIUS. 19
upon Aratus. The king, being greatly incensed at this daring insolence, immediately condemned them to pay a fine of twenty talents, and commanded them to be led away to prison. And, on the following day, having or- dered Aratus to be called, he exhorted him to take cou- rage; and assured him that. the authors of this disorder should be punished with due severity.
When Leontius was informed of what had happened to Megaleas, he took with him a body of the peltaste, and went, thus attended, to the tent of the king; being per- suaded that he should easily intimidate this young prince, and force him to recall his orders. Being admitted, there- fore, to his presence, he demanded, ‘‘ who it was that had been so bold as to lay hands upon Megaleas? and by whose orders he was sent to prison?” ‘The king replied intrepidly, ‘“ By mine.” Leontius was then struck. with terror; and muttering to himself some threats, retired.
The king now sailed away with all the fleet, passed the gulf, and arrived in a short time at Leucas. And when he had given orders to the proper officers to make a distri- bution of the booty among the troops, he called together his friends, to pass judgment on Megaleas. Aratus, who was present as the accuser, ran through the whole admin- istration of Leontius and his friends. He charged them with some flagrant murders that were committed by their orders, after Antigonus had retired from Greece. He laid open the engagement into which they had entered with Apelles; with the manner also in which they had defeated the king’s designs, when he attempted to take by storm the city of Palza. In a word, he shewed the guilt of these transactions with so much clearness, and supported all that he affirmed by such convincing evidence, that Crinon and Megaleas, unable to refute the charge, were with one voice condemned. The former was still detained in prison: but Leontius offered himself as, surety, for the fine that was imposed upon Megaleas. Such was the unexpected issue of the.treacherous project into which
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20 THE GENERAL HISTORY BOOK V.
these men had entered. ‘They had persuaded themselves that it would be an easy thing to remove Aratus by some violence; and when the king was thus left destitute of friends, that they might afterwards pursue such measures as their own interest should require. But the event proved opposite to all their hopes.
During this time, Lycurgus had been forced to abandon the Messenian territory, without performing any action of importance. But some time afterwards he again took the field, and made himself master of the city of Tegea. He attempted also to reduce the citadel, into which the inha- bitants had all retired. But after some fruitless efforts he was constrained to raise the siege, and to return back again to Sparta.
The Eleans made also an incursion into the Dymæan territory: and having drawn into an ambuscade some cavalry that was sent against them, they defeated them with little difficulty, killed, many of the mercenaries, and, among the forces of the country, took prisoners also Poly- medes of Ægium, and Agesipolis and Megacles, citizens of Dyme. à
Dorimachus, as we before have mentioned, had ad- vanced into Thessaly with the Ætolians; being persuaded, that he not only might be able to ravage all the country without resistance, but should also draw away the king, by this diversion, from the siege of Palæa. But when he saw that Chrysogonus and Petrzeus had brought together an army to oppose him, he never dared to descend once into the plain, but continued his route close along the sides of the mountains. And no sooner was he informed that the Macedonians had entered the Ætolian territory, than he immediately abandoned Thessaly, and returned in haste back again, with design to defend his country. But he was wholly disappointed in that hope: for the enemy had !eft the province before he was able to arrive.
Philip now sailed away from Leucas, and having wasted the coast of the Hyantheans as he passed, arrived at
CHAP. II. OF POLYBIUS. 21
Corinth with all the fleet, and cast anchor in the harbour of Lecheum. He there disembarked his army ; and when he had first sent letters to the confederate cities of Pelo- ponnesus, to appoint the day, in which their forces should be ready in arms, and join him at Tegea, he immediately began his march towards that city with the Macedonians, and taking his route by the way of Argos, arrived there on the second day: and being joined by such of the Achzean forces as were then assembled in the city, he continued his march along the mountains, with design to fall upon the Lacedeemonian territory, before the people could receive any notice of his approach. Passing, therefore, through those parts of the country that were chiefly destitute of all inhabitants, he appeared, after four days’ march, upon the hills that stand opposite to Sparta; and from thence, leaving Menelaium on his right, he advanced forwards to Amycle. The Lacedemonians, when they beheld this army from the city, were struck with consternation and surprise. ‘Their minds, indeed, had been alarmed not long before, by the news of the sack of Thermum, and of all the devastation which the Macedonians had committed in Ætolia: and the general rumour was, that Lycurgus would soon be sent to the assistance of the /Etolians. But they never had conceived the least suspicion, that the danger, in so short a time, could arrive close to Sparta, from a distance so considerable; especially, as the king was at this time of an age, which was apt rather to inspire contempt than fear. . As the event, therefore, was so con- trary to all their expectation, it could not fail to strike them with the utmost terror. And, indeed, so greatly had the courage and the activity of this prince surpassed all that his youth could promise, that his enemies in every place were filled with solicitude and anxious doubt. For marching, as we have already mentioned, from the middle of Ætolia, and having passed, in one night’s time, the Ambracian gulf, he arrived at Leucas; and when he had stayed two days, on the third sailed early in the morning ; c 3
22 THE GENERAL HISTORY BOOK Vi
and, wasting the coast of ANtolia as he passed, cast anchor at Lechæum; and from thence marching forwards without delay, he gained upan the seventh day the neighbourhood of Menelaium, and the hills that overlooked the city of Sparta. So astonishing was this celerity, that those who themselves beheld it, could scarcely give credit to their eyes. The Laced#monians, therefore, were distracted with suspense and wonder, and knew not what measures were the best to be pursued.
The king, on the first day, fixed his camp near Amy- cle, which is distant from Lacedeemon about twenty stadia. The country round it is distinguished above all the other parts of Laconia, by the excellence and rich variety of the trees and fruits with which it every where abounds. On the side of the city towards the sea stands: a temple of Apollo, more sumptuous and magnificent than any in the province. On the next day, he decamped; and, destroying the country as he passed, arrived at the place that was called the camp of Pyrrhus. On the two following days, he wasted all the neighbouring places, and came and encamped near Carnium; and from thence con- tinuing his march to Asine, attempted to take the city. But, after some fruitless efforts, he again decamped, and ravaged all the country, on the side towards the sea of Crete, as far as Teenarium. From thence, taking his route back again, and leaving, on his right hand, the port called Gythium, which is distant from Lacedzemon about thirty stadia, he encamped upon the frontiers of the Helian district, which is the largest and most beautiful of all the parts into which Laconia is divided. And having, from this place, sent his foragers abroad, he destroyed the fruits, and wasted all the country round Acriæ and Leu- cæ; and from thence extended his incursions even to Boea.
The Messenians, as soon as they had received the orders of the king, that they should join him with their forces, shewed no less diligence and zeal, than the rest of the
CHAP. 11. OF POLYBIUS. 23
allies; and having selected, among all the people of their province, two thousand of the bravest foot, with two hun- dred horse, they began their march towards Tegea. But, because the route was of a very considerable length, it happened, that Philip had left the city, before they were able to arrive. For some time, therefore, they were in doubt what resolution they should take. But when they had considered, that, as some suspicions had been before conceived against them, their delay upon this occasion likewise might perhaps be imputed to a designed and wilful negligence, they, at last, continued their march through the Argian territory towards Laconia, in order_to join the Macedonians. ‘When they arrived near Glympes, a fortress that was situated upon the extreme borders of Laconia and of Argia, they there encamped; but without any kind of skill or caution. For they neither employed their pains to choose the most commodious ground, nor threw up any intrenchment round their camp; but trusting to the favourable disposition of the people, reposed them- selves in full security before the walls. But Lycurgus being informed of their approach, took with him the mer- cenaries, and a part also of the Lacedamonian forces, and beginning his march from Sparta, arrived at the place before break of day, and fell with great fury upon their camp. The Messenians, though they had shewn before so little prudence in all their conduct, and especially in hav- ing marched from Tegea when their numbers were so few, and in opposition also to the advice of the wisest men among them, were careful, however, at this conjuncture, to have recourse to the only measures by which they could now obtain their safety. For as soon as the enemy approached toward them, they immediately left all their baggage, and fled into the fortress. The baggage, there- fore, with many of the horses, fell into the hands of the enemy. Eight soldiers also of the cavalry were killed. The rest all escaped with safety; and retreated back again through Argia, to their own country. Lycurgus, elate c4
24 THE GENERAL HISTORY BOOK V.
with this success, returned to Sparta, to complete the preparations for the war. And when he had held a con- sultation with his friends, he resolved that Philip should not be permitted to leave the country till he had first been forced to try the fortune of a battle. ‘
The king now decamped from the Helian district, and wasting the country on every side, arrived again, after four days’ march, in the neighbourhood of Amyclz with all his army, about the middle of the day. Lycurgus, having in concert with his friends and officers regulated all the plan of the intended battle, marched out of the city with two thousand men, and took possession of the posts round Menelaium. At the same time he ordered those that were left in the city carefully to observe the time, and, as soon as they should perceive his signal, to lead out their troops from many parts at once, and range them in order of battle, with their front turned towards the Eurotas, and in the place in which that river flowed nearest to the city. Such was the disposition of Lycurgus and the Lacedzemo- nians.
But lest the reader, from being unacquainted with the country of which we are speaking, should be lost in error and uncertainty, we shall here point out the nature of the several places, with the manner in which they are situated : agreeably to the method which we have still observed in the course of this work ; comparing always, and bringing close together, the parts that are unknown, with those that are already known, and which have been before described. For since, in reading the recital of engagements both by land and sea, the want of having gained a perfect know- ledge of the peculiar face and disposition of the scene of action, often proves the occasion of great mistakes; and because my design in all which I relate, is not so much to shew what actions were performed, as the manner in which they severally were transacted; I think it necessary to illustrate all great events, and especially those of war, by describing the places in which they happened, and distin-
CHAP. I. OF POLYBIUS. 95
guishing them by some precise aud accurate marks; either by harbours, seas, and islands; or else again, by the tem- ples, mountains, and countries that are near; but chiefly by their position with respect to the quarter of the heavens, because this distinction is of all others the most commonly received and understood. For this, indeed, is the only method, as we have observed before, by which the reader ever can acquire a right conception of those countries to which he is a stranger.
Sparta, then, if we consider it in its general figure and position, is a city in a circular form, standing in a plain. But the ground, in certain parts that are within the circuit of it, is rough and unequal, and rises high above the rest. Close before the city, on the side towards the east, flows the Eurotas; a river so large and deep that during the greatest part of the year it is not to be forded.” Beyond this river, on the south-east side of the city, are those hills © upon which stand Menelaium. They are rough, and difficult of ascent, and of a more than common height: and command entirely all the ground between the river and the city. For the river takes its course along the very border of the hills: and the whole space from thence to Sparta does not exceed a stadium and a half in breadth.
Such was the defile through which Philip, as he re- turned, must be forced to pass; having on his left hand the city, with the Lacedzmonians ranged in battle and ready to engage; and on his right, the river, and Lycurgus, with the troops that were posted upon the hills. But besides these difficulties, the Lacedzemonians, in order more effectually to obstruct his passage, had stopped the course of the river, at some distance above the ground > which we have mentioned, and forced the waters to flow over all the space that lay between the city and the hills; so that neither the cavalry nor infantry could march that way with safety. The Macedonians, therefore, had no means left for their retreat but to lead their army close
26 THE GENERAL HISTORY BOOK V,
along the very foot of the hills. But as they must then have marched with a very narrow and contracted front, it would scarcely have been possible to resist the efforts of the enemy. When Philip had considered all these diff- culties, and had held a consultation also with his generals, he judged it necessary that Lycurgus should be first dis- lodged from his posts upon the hills. Taking with him therefore the mercenaries, the peltastee, and the Illyrians, he passed the river, and advanced towards the enemy. When Lycurgus saw what the king designed, he exhorted his troops to perform their duty, and prepared them for the combat. At the same time he gave the signal also to those that were in the city; who immediately drew out their forces, and ranged them in order of battle before the walls, with the cavalry upon their right. Philip, as he approached nearer to Lycurgus, first sent the mercenaries against him, to begin the action. The Lacedeemonians, therefore, who were superior in the advantage of their arms, and from the situation also of the ground upon which they stood, for some time maintained the fight with the fairest prospect of success.
But when Philip ordered the peltastz to advance, and support the troops that were first engaged, while himself with the Illyrians prepared to fall upon the enemy in their flank, the mercenaries, encouraged by this assistance, pressed the charge with greater vigour than before; while the Lacedzmonians, being struck with terror at the ap- proach of the heavy-armed forces, turned their backs and fled. About a hundred of them were killed in the place; and more than that number taken prisoners. The rest escaped safe into the city. Lycurgus himself, with a small number of attendants, retreated through some private roads, and entered the city also in the night. Philip having posted the Illyrians upon the hills, from whence he had dislodged the enemy, returned again to join the rest of the army, with the peltastze and the light armed troops.
CHAP. II. OF POLYBIUS. 27
During this time, the phalanx had begun their march from Amyclæ under the conduct of Aratus, and were now arrived near the city. The king, therefore, passed the river with the light-armed forces, the peltastee, and a body of cavalry, in order to sustain the attack of the Lacede- monians, till the heavy-armed troops, who continued their march along the sides of the hills, should have passed through the defile with safety. The Lacedzmonians, advancing from the city, charged first the cavalry of the king. Bat, as the action soon became more general, and was sustained by the peltastæ with the greatest bravery, the victory was again wholly turned to the side of Philip, who drove back the Lacedemonian cavalry, and pursued them even to the gates. He then passed again the river, and closing the rear of all the phalanx, continued his march forwards, without any loss.
He had just now gained the end of the defile, when the night suddenly came on, and forced him to encamp, with- out advancing any farther. It happened, that the place which the guides were thus compelled, as it were by accident, to mark out for the encampment, was that very ground, which an army would take by choice, if their intention was to pass beyond the city of Sparta, and to make incursions upon the Lacedzemonian territory. © For it was situated at the extremity of this defile of which we have been speaking, in the road which leads to Lacedæ- mon, not only from Tegea, but from all the inland parts of Peloponnesus, and stood close upon the border of the river, at the distance of two stadia only from the city. The side that looked towards the river and the’ city was covered by steep and lofty precipices, which were almost inaccessible. And above these rocks, was a level plain, which abounded both with earth and water, and was also so disposed, that an army might at all times enter it, or retire again with safety. In a word, whoever has once gained possession of this plain, with the precipices likewise that are round it, not only may remain secure against all
28 THE GENERAL HISTORY BOOK Vv.
attacks from the side of Sparta, but is the master also of every thing that enters or returns through the defile.
Philip, having here fixed his camp in full security, on the following day sent his baggage away before, and then drew out all his forces in order of battle, upon the plain, in sight of the city. And when he had stood for some time in that disposition, he then turned aside, and directed his route towards Tegea. Arriving at the place, in which the battle had been fought between Antigonus and Cleomenes, he there encamped: and, on the following day, when he had first viewed all the neighbouring posts, and offered sacrifice to the gods upon the mountains Eva and Olympus, he strengthened the rear of his army, and con- tinued his march forwards to Tegea: and,- having there sold all his booty, he passed from thence through Argos, and arrived at Corinth. In this place he was met by some ambassadors from Rhodes and Chios, who came to me- diate a peace. The king, dissembling his intentions, assured the ambassadors, that he had been always strongly inclined, and still was ready, to put an end to the war; and dismissed them, with orders, that they should employ all their power to lead the Ætolians into the same sentiments. He then went down to Lechzeum, designing to sail from thence to Phocis, in order to carry into execution in that province some designs of great importance.
CHAP. III.
AT this time, Leontius, Megaleas, and Ptolemy, being persuaded that they should yet be able to intimidate the king, and by that means obliterate all their former crimes, dropped whispers of sedition among the peltastze and the soldiers of the guard: and represented to them, that while they alone of all the army were, at all times, the first exposed to danger for the common safety of the rest, they not only were defrauded of their ancient privileges, but robbed also of that share in the division of the plunder,
CHAP. UI. OF POLYBIUS. 29
which, by long custom, they had a right to claim. The young men, inflamed by these discourses, ran together in a body, and began to pillage the houses of the most favoured courtiers, and even attempted to burst the doors, and to break through the roof of the apartments of the king. Ina short time, therefore, the whole city was filled with uproar and with tumult. Philip, being informed of this disorder, came running, in great haste, from Le- cheum back to Corinth. And having assembled the Macedonians in the theatre, he endeavoured both by ad- monition and by threatenings, to bring them to a sense of their misconduct. But, as the confusion still increased, some were of opinion, that the chief leaders of the tumult should be seized and put to death: while others judged it to be far more prudent to quiet the commotion by gentle means, and that no resentment should be shewn, on account of what had happened. The king, concealing his own sentiments, appeared to yield to this last advice; and, after some general exhortations, returned back again to Lecheum. For, though he very well knew, by whose contrivance the sedition had been raised, yet the times forced him to dissemble. After this disorder, he was no longer able to carry into execution those designs, which had invited him to Phocis. i
But Leontius, perceiving that all his projects still were frustrated, and having thrown away all hope of being able to succeed in any new attempt, was now forced to call Apelles to his assistance. He sent, therefore, repeated messengers, urging him to return from Chalcis, and in- formed him of all the danger and perplexity in which he had been involved, from having opposed the counsels of the king. Apelles, during his abode in, Chalcis, had raised his credit to a very high degree of insolence; repre- senting the king, upon all occasions, as a young man, that was wholly governed by him; and who had devolved upon him all the royal power, with the entire administra- tion of the state. The magistrates, therefore, and the
30 THE GENERAL HISTORY BOOK V.
other officers of Macedon and Thessaly, referred to him alone the censure of their conduct. And, in every city also of Greece, whenever any decrees were made, any honours paid, or presents offered, there was scarcely any mention made of Philip. Apelles obtained ‘all, and go- verned all. The king had been, for a long time past, informed of these proceedings. But, though he bore the insult with great uneasiness and pain, and was urged closely by Aratus to apply some remedy, he so well con- cealed his sentiments, that no person yet was able to dis- cover what measures he had resolved to take.
Apelles, being ignorant of all that-was designed against him, and not doubting but that, as soon as he should appear again in the presence of the king, all things should be administered by his directions as before, returned in haste from Chalcis to support his friends. As he came near to Corinth, Leontius, Ptolemy, and Megaleas, who commanded the peltastee, with the rest of the most distin- guished bodies of the army, employed all their pains to engage the troops to meet him at some distance from the city. Apelles therefore entered in a kind of triumph, attended by great numbers both of officers and soldiers, and went directly towards the apartments of the king, But as he was going to enter, agreeably to his former custom, a lictor, who had before received his orders, stop- ped him from advancing, and told him that the king was not then at leisure. Apelles stood for some time fixed in doubt and wonder, at a treatment so strange and unex- pected, and afterwards retired in great disorder. The company that had attended in his train all fell away before his face; so that at last he was followed to his house by his own servants only. Thus it is that all men, in the course even of one short moment, attain the highest elevation, and again are sunk in ruin. But this chiefly happens to those that are found in the courts of kings. For as the counters, that are used in calculation, are made sometimes equal to a talent, sometimes to a farthing, at the will of
mE
CHAP. III. OF POLYBIUS. 31
him who casts up the account; so these men likewise are either rich and splendid, destitute and involved in wretch- edness, as the nod of their prince decrees. Megaleas, per- ceiving that he had hoped in vain to be protected by the power of Apelles against the danger which so nearly threatened him, resolved to save himself by flight. The king sometimes admitted Apelles to his presence, and favoured him with some slight marks of honour: but ex- cluded him from all his counsels; and from the banquets which he celebrated with his friends, after the business of the day. Within some days afterwards, he sailed to Phocis from Lecheum, taking Apelles also with him. But he was forced to return again from Elatea, without being able to accomplish his designs. Megaleas seized the occasion of his absence, and fled to Athens; leaving Leontius en- gaged for the twenty talents which he had been condemned to pay. And when the magistrates of Athens refused to receive him within their city, he retired to Thebes.
The king embarked at Cirrha with his guards, and having landed in the port of Sicyon, went from thence into the city, and, paying no regard to the invitation of the magistrates, lodged himself in the house of Aratus, with whom he passed all his time, and sent Apelles back to Corinth. As soon also as he was informed that Mega- leas had fled, he ordered Taurion to march with the peltastze, who were commanded by Leontius, into Tri- phylia ; on pretence that they were there to be employed in some action of importance. But as soon as they had left the city, he ordered Leontius to be led away to prison on account of the fine, for which he was engaged as surety for Megaleas. The peltastee, being soon informed by messengers that were sent to them from Leontius of the danger into which he had fallen, immediately deputed some of their body to the king to desire, that if Leontius was charged with any new offence, 10 judgment might be passed upon him before their return; that otherwise, they should think themselves despised and greatly injured; for
32 THE GENERAL HISTORY BOOK V.
such was the freedom with which the Macedonians al- ways were accustomed to address their kings. They added also, that if nothing more was demanded of him than to pay the twenty talents for Megaleas, they would themselves discharge the debt by common contribution. But this eagerness which the soldiers shewed to save Leontius served only to incense the king much more against him, and hastened the order for his death.
About this time the ambassadors of Rhodes and Chios returned from /Etolia, having settled a truce of thirty days. ‘They assured the king that the Aétolians were inclined to peace; and that if he would consent to meet their deputies at Rhium, on a day which they had named, he would find them heartily disposed to give a quick determination tothe war. Philip consented to the truce; and wrote also to the allies, that they should send to Patrae some persons to deliberate with him concerning the conditions of the peace. He then embarked at Lechzeum, and, after two days’ sailing, arrived at Patræ. In this place he received some letters from Phocis, which had been written by Megaleas to the Ætolians; exhorting them to persist in the war with confidence, and assuring them that Philip would soon be forced, by the want of necessaries, tô abandon all his projects. There were added also many severe and injurious calumnies, with regard both to the conduct and the person of the king. Philip, when he had seen these letters, was now fully sensible that Apelles was the chief contriver of all that had been done to obstruct his measures. He gave orders, therefore, that he should immediately be seized, and sent away under a guard to Corinth, together with bis son, and a young man his favourite. At the same time he ordered Alexander to go to Thebes, and to cite Megaleas before the magistrates for the payment of his fine. Bat when this was done, Megaleas, not waiting for the sen- tence, destroyed himself with his own hands. Within some days afterwards Apelles also died, together with his
CHAP. III. OF POLYBIUS.’ 38
son, and favourite. Such was the fate which at last befel these traitors; a fate that was, in justice, due to all their past transactions, and especially to their insolent attempts against Aratus.
The Ætolians had wished indeed with earnestness to be delivered from a war that pressed them closely on every side, and which had proved in all points contrary to that which they had expected from it. For they had vainly hoped that they should be able to deal with Philip as with a child that was destitute of knowledge and experience. But this prince, both in forming his designs, and in carry- ing them also into execution, had shewn himself to be a perfect man; while themselves, on the other hand, ap- peared contemptible as children, as well in every single enterprise, as in the general conduct of the war. But when they received the news of the sedition that was raised among the troops, and of the deaths of Apelles and Leontius, they began to be persuaded that such disorders might ensue as would create no small embarrassment to the king. Flattered, therefore, by this hope, they neglected to send their deputies to Rhium on the appointed day. The king seized with joy the occasion that was thus thrown into his hands for continuing the war; both be- cause he had the greatest hopes of a happy issue from it, and had also secretly resolved, before he arrived, that he would employ all his power to retard and obstruct the treaty. Instead, therefore, of advising the confederates who had joined him to entertain any thoughts of peace, he, on the contrary, encouraged them still to pursue the war with vigour; and then sailed back again to Corinth. From thence he sent the Macedonians away through Thessaly to pass the winter in their own country; while himself embarked. at Cenchre, and sailing round the coast of Attica, arrived through the Euripus at Demetrius. And there finding Ptolemy, who alone was left of those that had been engaged in the conspiracy with Leontius,
VOL, Il. "EE
34. THE GENERAL HISTORY nooi
he brought him to a trial before some Macedonian judges, by whose sentence he was condemned to die..
This was the time in which Annibal, having entered Italy, was encamped in sight of the Roman army upon the banks of the river Po. Antiochus also, having subdued the greatest part of Coele-Syria, had just now dismissed his army to their winter quarters. About-the same time Ly- curgus, king of Lacedzemon, was forced to-fly into Attolia to avoid the fury of the ephori. For these magistrates, deluded by a false report, that he designed to raise some disorders in the government, had drawn together a nume- rous party, and came to seize him in his house by night. But as he had received timely warning of the danger, he found means to escape with all his family.
The winter was now far advanced, and Philip had re- tired to Macedon. Eperatus also, the Achzan prætor, was so sunk in credit and esteem as well among the troops of the republic as the mercenaries, that no respect was paid to his commands, nor any measures taken to secure the country against the incursions of the enemy. ‘The gene- ral of the Eleans, Pyrrhias, having reflected on these cir- cumstances, took with him fourteen hundred /i&tolians, the mercenaries of the Eleans, and the forces also of the pro- vince, amounting to one thousand foot and two hundred horse, so that the whole number of his forces was about three thousand men ; and made many depredations without remission upon the lands of the Dymeans, the Pharzans, and Patreeans ; and having at last encamped upon a hill called Panachaicus, which stood above the city of Patree, he ravaged all the country as far as Ægium and Rhium. The cities, being thus insulted and destroyed, and not able to obtain any effectual succours, began to withhold their contributions to the war. The mercenaries, on the other _ hand, perceiving that the payment of their stipends was, from time to time, neglected and delayed, refused to march to the assistance of the country. And thus while both
CHAP. Iv. OF POLYBIUS. $5
sides gratified alike their mutual discontent, the disorder was still increased, till the troops at last all deserted from the service. Such were the effects of the incapacity. and weakness: of Eperatus. ~ But while. all things were thus. tending fast to ruin, his administration came at, last to an end. At the approach of: summer he: resigned his. office, . and the Achzans made choice of the: elder Aratus to be prætor. Such was the condition of affairs in Europe.
I. g CHAP. ‘Iv.
From these transactions, since we are now arrived. at a suitable period with respect to.time, as well as: at a proper pause likewise in the relation of affairs; we shall go on. to describe what passed:im: Asia ‘during the course of. this:same Olympiad; beginning, as we at: first. designed, with the war in which Antiochus and Ptolemy were engaged. toge- ther for the sovereignty: of Coele-Syria.- For: though this. war, with respect both to the commencement and: the pro- gress of it, was coincident with that: which we have last, de- scribed, and was extended also beyond: the;time in which we have now broken our narration, yet :it seemed most proper that we should give in this. place. a distinct relation of it, and separate it from the affairs of Greece. Nor will the ees find it-difficult to apprehend the exact, time in which all-things severally were, transacted.;- since we. have already taken care, in relating. all,that. passed..in Greece, to mention. always the beginning.and. the end. of. the chief events that happened at thes same. time. in. Asia. . But that it seemed, as we have. said, most proper. that: we should separate the affairs of these two.countries, during the course only of this Olympiad. For in those ‚that, follow. we shall interweave together in joint order all the great transactions that. were coincident in time, and relate them as they hap- pened from year to year. Sr
As my design, indeed, the most impor i and exten-
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36 THE GENERAL HISTORY BOOK v,
sive, if I may be allowed to say it, of all that have hitherto been formed, is not to write the history of any single coun- try, but to include together all the fortunes and trans- actions of every people and of every nation in the habit- able earth, it will in a more especial manner be incumbent on me to dispose and regulate the whole with such skill and care as that the order and connexion of all that I re- late may be fully and distinctly understood, as well through the work in general, as also in its several parts. With ' this design, I shall now look back to the earlier parts of the reign of Antiochus and Ptolemy; and beginning from some certain and established facts, from thence lead the reader to the war which I am going to describe. Nor is this care to be regarded as a matter of small importance. For when the ancients said that a work begun was half completed, their intention was to warn us that, in every un- dertaking, our greatest pains should be employed to make a good beginning. And though this manner of expres- sion may be thought by many to be raised beyond the truth, yet, in my judgment, it rather falls below it. For he may boldly say, not only that a work begun is half completed, but also that the beginning is connected closely even with the end. For how can we properly begin, unless we' have viewed our undertaking to its utmost bounds; and known, from whence the work is to proceed, to what limits we design to extend it, and what also is the end proposed? Or how again shall we be able to give any summary ac- count of all that the work contains, unless.we first compare together the beginning with the end, and. place before us in one view the commencement, order, connexion, and dependencies, of those events of which we design to treat? As the beginning, therefore, is thus closely joined not only with the middle’ of the work, but also with the end, it ought at all times to engage the chief attention both of those that write and those also that read a general history. And this is that which I shall myself endeavour to observe with the greatest care.
CHAP. IV. OF POLYBIUS. 37
I am not ignorant, indeed, that many others have boasted, like myself, that they have written a general history; and that their project is the greatest and the most important of any that were ever offered to the world. Among these is Ephorus; who was the first, and is in- deed the only one, who seems to have been in truth engaged in such an undertaking. With regard to all the rest I shall at present forbear to name them; and will only say, that we have seen in our times some historians, who, when they have given a slight account, within the compass of a few pages only, of the war of Annibal against the Ro- mans, have boldly called their work a general history, and yet all men know, that at this time were accomplished many very signal and important actions, both in Spain and Afric, in Sicily and Italy; and that this war, the most ce- lebrated, and, if we except the first war of Sicily, the long- est also in its continuance of any that we have ever known, drew the eyes of all mankind towards it, and filled their minds with anxious fear for the event. Yet these histo- rians, when they have recorded fewer facts than even those painters who, in some of the cities of Greece, are employed from time to time to draw upon the-walls a slight and ge- neral sketch of any actions that have happened, make no scruple to affirm, that they have included in their work the conduct and the various fortunes of the barbarians and the Greeks. But to say the truth, as on the one hand nothing is so easy as to engage, by words, in the most ex- tensive undertakings; so on the other nothing is more difficult than to carry any great design effectually into ex- ecution. for the first lies within the power of all who possess only a sufficient share of confidence. But the lat- ter is the portion of a few, and can scarcely be accom- plished even in the course of a long and laborious life. Let these reflections, therefore, serve to moderate in some degree, the arrogance of those writers who so vainly extol their own productions. I now return again to the subject, from whence I was led into this digression.
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38 THE GENERAL HISTORY BOOK V.
Ptolemy, who was.surnamed Philopator,’ having after the death of his father destroyed his brother Magas with all his friends, reigned. alone in Egypt: .As by this ex- ploit he had freed himself from the dread of any domestic tumults, so fortune also seemed to have secured him against all danger from abroad. For Seleucus and Antigonus
both were dead: and Antiochus and Philip, who succeeded ~
in their kingdoms, were still in their most tender age. Flattered, therefore, by this prospect of tranquillity and ease, he began to waste his time in one continual course of sports and pleasures; secluding himself from every kind of business, and. not permitting either the nobles of his court, or those that were intrusted with the administration of the kingdom, ever te approach him. With regard also to all the foreign provinces, the governors were left to pursue their own designs, without any: enquiry or restraint. And yet these were the parts of their dominions which all for- mer kings had at all times thought more worthy of their attention, even than Egypt. For thus, while they were masters of Cyprus, and of Coele-Syria, they lay close upon the kings of Syria both by land and sea. Possessed -also of the most considerable cities, posts, and harbours along the coast, from Pamphylia towards the Hellespont, as far as Lysimachia, they were always able to control the powers of Asia, and the islands: - And, even with respect to Thrace and Macedon, they were. still ready to attend to all-com- motions, and repel every danger that might threaten them, while they held.a garrison in Ænos and Maronea, and in some cities also that were beyond them. | By. this: wise policy, while their power was spread wide abroad, ‘they reigned .in full security in Egypt, which was covered against all attacks by the barrier of their distant provinces. It was not without good reason therefore, that they-still watched over the condition of these countries with extreme attention. . But. Ptolemy rejected all this care; and aban- doned himself. at once to obscene. amours and. mad. de- bauchery, without any intermission or reserve. And from
|
CHAP. IV. OF POLYBIUS. 39
hence it happened, as it might indeed be reasonably ex- pected, that within a short time afterwards many designs were formed to sps him both of his kingdom and his life.
The first atharnp ts was made against him by EMomenes the Spartan. This prince, during the life-time of Euer- getes, who had entered into a close alliance with. him, remained satisfied and quiet; being persuaded that he should be able to obtain at some convenient time the assistance that was necessary to recover again his paternal kingdom. But when that monarch had been some time dead, and the affaizs of Greece were in such condition that they seemed aloud to demand Cleomenes; when Antigonus was now also dead, the Achzans involved in war, and the Lacedzemonians, pursuing that very project which Cleo- menes himself had formed, had joined their arms with the A&tolians against the Macedonians and Achzeans; he was impatient to be gone from Alexandria, and urged his de- parture with the greatest earnestness. He at first desired to be dismissed, with some suitable supplies of troops and stores.’ And when this request was wholly disregarded, he begged that himself at least might be permitted to leave the kingdom with his family; since the times were now so favourable for obtaining again the sovereignty of which he had been deprived.. The king being immersed in sloth and pleasure, paying no attention to any thing that was ` before him, and utterly regardless also of the future, still foolishly refused to hear the petitions of Cleomenes. - But Sosibius, who was then the first in the administration of the kingdom, assembled together his friends to consider what was most proper to be done. In this council it was soon determined, that they would not send back Cleome- ‘nes with a fleet and forces. For: besides that, from. the time in which Antigonus had died, they had entirely disre- garded all the affairs abroad, and, on that account, consi- dered the expence that must attend this expedition as a- thing unnecessary: they were apprehensive likewise, that
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40 THE GENERAL HISTORY BOCK vV.
as there was now no general left that was equal to Cleome- nes, this prince would soon be able to subdue all Greece with little difficulty, and might then turn his arms perhaps against themselves, and become to Egypt a most dan- gerous and formidable enemy. And this indeed was rather to be dreaded, because he had viewed the whole state of their affairs in the clearest light, had conceived a high and just contempt of the conduct and manners of the king; and had also seen that many parts of their dominions were independent and far separated from the rest, and offered many favourable opportunities for action to a dexterous enemy. For at this time there were many ships at Samos, and a considerable number also of troops at Ephesus. From these reasons they concluded that it’ was by no means proper to furnish him with the supplies that were desired. On the other hand, if they should dismiss a man so great and eminent after they had thus contemptuously slighted his request, it was manifest that he would from thence become their most implacable and sharpest enemy. It remained, therefore, that, in spite of his own desire and inelinations, he should be still detained at Alexandria. But this design was at once, without deliberation, con- demned by all, For they judged it would be much too dangerous to shut up a lion in the same fold with sheep. Sosibius, more than all the rest, was apprehensive of the ill effects of such a measure; from the reasons which I am going to relate.
At the time when the design was formed to destroy Magas and Berenice,.the persons who conducted it were distracted with no small solicitudes; chiefly, lest the bold and resolute spirit of the princess should bafile their attempts, and defeat the whole conspiracy. In this appre- hension they employed great pains to draw the courtiers to their party; and promised large rewards to all, in case that their project should be attended with success. Among the rest, Sosibius had recourse especially to Cleomenes; whom he knew to be a man of deep sense and judgment,
CHAP. Iv. OF POLYBIUS. 41
well versed in the conduct of great affairs, and who at this time was soliciting some assistance from the king. Flat- tering him therefore with the hopes of obtaining all that he desired, he disclosed to him the secret of the whole design. Cleomenes, perceiving that his mind was filled with doubt and apprehension, and that he dreaded more especially some resistance from the foreign troops, exhorted him to lay aside his fears; and promised that these mercenaries, instead of taking arms against him, should be even ready to assist him in his project, in case that there should be occasion for it. And when Sosibius appeared surprised at this assurance, * Do you not see,” continued he, “ that there are three thousand men from Peloponnesus, and a thousand Cretans; who all, at the least nod which I shall make, will join to execute your orders? And when these troops are drawn together for your defence, what have you left to dread? the soldiers of Syria and Caria?” Sosibius heard this discourse with pleasure, and was greatly encou- raged by it to persist in his design. But afterwards, when he saw the weakness and effeminacy of the king, the words that were now spoken by Cleomenes were for ever present to his mind; and forced him to reflect continually upon the enterprising disposition of this prince, and the favour in which he stood among the mercenaries. At this time, therefore, he resolved to engage his friends, and Ptolemy himself, to consent that Cleomenes should be seized, and shut up in close confinement. And this was soon effected in the following manner.
There was a certain Messenian named Nicagoras, who had received the rights of hospitality- from the father of Archidamus, king of Lacedemon: and from thence some kind of intercourse, though slight and general, had been still preserved between the son also and himself. But when Archidamus, in order to avoid the vengeance of Cleomenes, was forced to fly from Sparta, and sought refuge in Messene, Nicagoras received him into his house, and supplied him with all necessaries: and, as they con-
42 THE GENERAL HISTORY Book v.
versed together continually, a mutual inclination to ‘each other by degrees took place, which, at last, was ripened into the. most perfect confidence and friendship. When Cleo- menes, therefore, some time. afterwards, gave hopes that he would again be reconciled to Archidamus, and permit him to return, Nicagoras was employed at his own request to settle the bonditiens of the treaty. And when ' these were on both sides ratified, Archidamus set out to return to. Sparta; and thought himself secure in the agreement, that had been thus negociated by his friend. But’ Cleo- menes met him upon the road and killed him; but suffered Nicagoras, with the rest of the attendants, to escape. Nicagoras concealed his ‘sentiments, and outwardly pro- fdl great obligations to Cleomenes, who had thus spared his life. But in his mind he bore a strong resentment of the action: because it seemed that through his means chiefly the king had fallen into the snare ‘that proved ‘so fatal to him.
This man then, about hè time of which we are spik anirai at Alexandria, with some horses which he had brought to sell. As he came- to land he saw Cleomenes, who: was walking‘ with Hippitas and Panteus, near the harbour. ': Cleomenes saluted him with great affection, and enquired the business of his voyage. And when Nicagoras told him that, he had brought some horses, “I could wish,” said he, ‘“ most heartily, that you had. rather brought some catamites and dancers; for these are the amusement of the present king.” Nicagoras then smiled, but made no reply. But some days afterwards, being ad- mitted, upon the business of his horses, to the presence of Sosibius, in order to incense him against Cleomenes, he reported to him this discourse. And when he observed that he was heard .with: pleasure, he discovered all the grounds of his own aversion .against.that prince. When Sosibius found that he was in reality an enemy to Cleo- menes, he offered to him some .considerable presents, and promising also more, prevailed upon him to write a letter,
CHAP. IV. OF POLYBIUS. , 45
which should contain some charge against Cleomenes, oid to leave it sealed with orders to a servant to deliver it within some days after his departure. Nicagoras entered readily into all the project, and sailed away from Alexan- dria. The letter was:then delivered -to Sosibius; who carried it, together with the servant, to the king. The servant declared that Nicagoras had left the letter, with orders:that he should deliver it to Sosibius.. The letter itself imported, that Cleomenes, if the king should still persist in refusing the supplies that were necessary- for his return, had resolved soon to raise commotions in the kingdom. Sosibius, seizing- the occasion, urged the king and all that were about him to admit no delay, but instantly to prevent the treason by securing the person of Cleomenes. And this accordingly was done. : They allotted to him for his residence a house of great extent, in which he was guarded carefully: so that he differed in no respect from: other Ds ei jit a i+ his agit was of a larger’ size. : : air"
Cleomenes, when he had weighed all site circumstances of his present state, and peratia that there was no room left for hope, was determined to attempt and-hazard every thing, in order to regain his liberty:7 not so much-in expectation that he Aata be able to succeed in ‘the ' design, since he was destitute of all the necessary means; but rather because he had resolved to die a glorious death, without suffering any thing that might-disgrace his former greatness; having fixed, as [ suppose, his whole attention upon that noble sentiment of the poet, so flattering to men of elevated minds: ‘
= ”* "Welcome fate !'
. *Tis true I perish, yet I perish great : Yet in a mighty deed I shall expire ; Let future ages hear it, and admire?.
/
“a waited, therefore, till the king was gone om Alexandria to Canopus, he then spread a- report. poang
. Pope, Iliad, 22.
44 THE GENERAL HISTORY BOOK V.
his guards, that he should soon obtain his liberty. Upon this pretence he feasted all his family; and distributed among his soldiers also meat and wine, and crowns of flowers. The guards, not suspecting any kind of fraud, gave full indulgence to their appetites. And when at last they had drunk to great excess, Cleomenes, with his friends and servants, having poniards in their hands, passed through them unperceived, about the middle of the day. When they came into the street, they there met Ptolemy, who, in the absence of the king, was entrusted with the government of the city: and having struck a terror into his attendants, they pulled him from his chariot, and shut him up; and then called aloud to the people to resume their liberty. But when the multitude were all so struck with terror at the boldness of the attempt, that none approached to join them, they directed their way towards the citadel, with design to force their entrance, and take the prisoners to their assistance. But the officers, in ap- prehension of this accident, had strongly barred the gates. Disappointed, therefore, in this hope likewise, they at last killed themselves with their own poniards: and then shewed a courage that was truly Spartan. In this manner fell Cleomenes; a prince whose manners were dexterous and insinuating, as his capacity in the administration of affairs was great: and who, to express his character ina word, was most admirably formed by nature both for a general and a king.
‘Within a short time after this event, Theodotus the governor of Coele-Syria, an Ætolian by his birth, resolved to enter into treaty with Antiochus, and to deliver to him the cities of his province. He was urged to this design partly by the contempt which he had conceived of Pto- lemy, on account of his lazy and luxurious life; and partly also because he was persuaded that some ill designs had been formed against himself by the ministers of the court. For not long before, though he bad performed many important services, as well on other occasions, as more
CHAP, V. OF POLYBIUS. 45
especially at the time in which Antiochus first invaded Ceele-Syria, he not only had received no reward or favour, but on the contrary was ordered to return to Alexandria, and even found it difficult to escape with life. Antiochus received his offer with the greatest joy: and the agreement was in a short time fully regulated. But we shall now perform for this house, likewise, what we have done with respect to Ptolemy; and looking back to the time in which Antiochus began to reign, shall from thence give’ a short account of the chief events to the commencement of the war which we are now preparing to describe.
CHAP. V. j ANTIOCHUS was the youngest son of* Seleucus, sur-
named Callinicus. As soon as his father was dead, and his elder brother had, in right of his birth, succeeded in the throne, he at first retired from the court, and fixed his residence in the upper Asia. But some time afterwards, when his brother having passed mount Taurus with an army was deprived of his life by treachery, as we before related, he returned and took possession of the kingdom; leaving to Achzus the government of the country that was on this side of mount Taurus. At the same time also he intrusted to the care of Molon, and of Alexander, Molon’s brother, all the upper provinces; and appointed the first to be the governor of Media, and’ the other of Persis.
But not long afterwards, these two, despising the king on account of his tender age, being incited also by the hope that Achzeus might be engaged’ to enter with them into their design, but chiefly because they dreaded the cruel disposition, and the wicked arts of Hermias, who was then the first in the administration of affairs, resolved to throw off their allegiance, and’ employ all their power to engage the upper provinces to revolt.
46 THE GENERAL HISTORY BOOK Y.
Hermias was, by birth, a Carian; and had been in- trusted with the. supreme direction of the kingdom by Seleucus, the. brother of Antiochus, when he set out upon his expedition towards mount Taurus. Raised to this- high post, he grew jealous of all besides that were in any manner distinguished in the court. And being by nature cruel, he sometimes aggravated little faults into crimes of moment, and. punished them with the last severity.: Some- times, himself both forged the accusation and decided as the judge, without any remorse or pity. Above all the rest, he wished most earnestly for some occasion by which he might destroy Epigenes, who had led the forces back ihat had attended on Seleucus. For he knew that he was a man of eminent abilities, both in the cabinet and the field; and that his authority also among the troops was great. Having marked him, therefore, as the chief object of his fear and hatred, he attended carefully to every acci- dent that might furnish him with some pretence against him. At this time, when the king had called together a council, to deliberate on the measures that were most proper to be taken against the rebels, and had commanded every man to speak his sentiments, Epigenes, who rose up the first, advised, that, in a matter of so near and great importance, no moment should be lost: that the king himself should hasten in person to the place, and not suffer the occasion to escape: that, by his presence in the country with a sufficient force, either Molon must at once be forced to abandon his designs, or, in case that he still should have the boldness to persist, the people would all join to seize, and deliver him a prisoner to the king. He had scarcely ended, when Hermias, rising full i rage, declared, that Epigenes, for a long time past, had har- boured secretly such counsels in his heart, as were the most pernicious to the kingdom; but, that now his senti- ments had appeared without disguise, since he had thus urged the king to Rei in person, into a country that
CHAP. V. OF POLYBIUS. 47
was armed against him, with a force too small for his security, and, in a word, to throw himself at once into the power of the rebels. He-then said no more; but, being satisfied with having stamped this first bad impression of Epigenes, so that his words seemed rather the effect of an inconsiderate and hasty peevishness, than of any settled hatred, he went on to deliver his own opinion ; which was, that the king should lay aside all thoughts of marching against Molon, and rather turn his arms against, the king of E Egypt. - For, being himself. unskilled-in the affairs of war, he feared to encounter the danger, which this expe- dition seemed to promise: and was ‚persuaded, on- the other hand, that Ptolemy, a prince immersed in sloth ‘and pleasure, might: be attacked with little hazard. Having thus struck a terror into all the members of-the council, he gave to Xenon, and to Theodotus, a native of Her- mione, the conduct: of the forces that were ordered to be sent against the rebels. o tan - From this time also, he never ceased to press We king continually, to enter Coele-Syria with an-army; being per- suaded, that if this young prince should be once inclosed on every side by war, perplexed with difficulties, and dis- . tressed by danger, he would stand so much in need of his constant counsel and assistance, that he never.-would be able to entertain a thought of enquiring into any of his former faults, or make any attempt to divest. him of that: power of which he was then possessed. At last, therefore, having forged a letter, which he pretended had been sent to him from Achzeus, he carried it to the king. The import of it was, “that Ptolemy had strongly. urged Achzus to assume the royal diadem, and promised, to assist him both with ships and money, in. case that-he would declare himself the sovereign of the countries which he, at that time, governed: that, in fact, he already was the sovereign of them; and, why then should he envy himself the name, and foolishly reject the crown-which was thus placed upon his head by fortune?’ Antiochus
48 THE GENERAL HISTORY BOOK Y.
gave full credit to this letter, and was now fixed in the design of invading Ccele-Syria without delay.
About this time, while the king was at Seleucia, near Zeugma, Laodice, who was designed to be his wife, arrived from Cappadocia, conducted by Diognetus. She was the daughter of king Mithridates, and was a virgin. Mithri- dates himself derived his descent from one of those seven Persians who killed the Magus; and boasted also, that his kingdom, which stood upon the coast of the Euxine sea, was the same which had first been given to his ancestors by Darius. Antiochus, attended by a numerous train of courtiers, met the princess on her journey; and solemn- ized the nuptials with such splendour and magnificence, as were worthy of a king. From thence he went down to Antiochia; and, having declared Laodice his queen, began to make all the necessary preparations for the war.
During this time, Molon, with the assistance of his brother Alexander, who engaged, without reserve, in the same design, drew to his party all the people of his government; partly by the promise of great riches and rewards, and partly also by intimidating the’ chief men of the country, to whom he shewed some letters of a severe and threatening strain, which he pretended to’ have been written by the king. He took care also to secure himself against all danger from the neighbouring provinces; hav- ing, by large presents, gained the favour of the governors. And, when his measures were all fully regulated, he began his march with a very numerous army, “and advanced to meet the forces of the king.
The generals Xenon’ and Theodotus were struck with terror at his approach, and retired into the cities. Molon, therefore, became’ at once the master of all the country round Apollonia, which’ abounded with supplies and storés of every kind in the greatest quantity.. Before this suc- cess, his power, itidect® was greatly to be dreaded, on account of the riches: and the wide extent of the country which lie governed. For all the royal herds of horses are
CHAP. V. ‘OF-POLYBIUS. 49
bred among the Medes.- ‘Their cattle and their fruits are scarcely to be numbered. Nor is it easy to express: the natural strength and greatness-of this province. :
For Media, which. is situated near the midst of Asia, far surpasses every other province, as well in its extent, as- in the height.also, and the number. of: the mountains with which the country all is covered. - It commands likewise many great and powerful nations, that are: situated close upon the borders of it. On the side towards the east are those desert plains that lie between Persis and Parrhasia ; the passes that are-called the Caspian ‘gates; ‘and’the Tapyrian mountains, which are not far distant from the - Hyrcanian sea.- On: the-south it- extends towards the borders of Mesopotamia, Apollonia, and-Persis; ‘and is covered by the mountain Zagrus, which rises-to a hundred stadia in its height; and whose summit, being: parted into many separate hills, forms deep declivities and spacious valleys, which are inhabited by the Cosszeans, the Cor- brenz, -Carchians, and: other- barbarous - tribes, ‘all *cele+ brated for their prowess and: dexterity in war. . Towards the- west it is closely joined -to the people called - the Atropatians;.who themselves -are not far distant from the | nations that. reside upon the: borders.of the: Euxine ‘sea. . And lastly, this province, on the side towards the north, is bounded by.the Elymæans, Ariaracee, Caddusians,~ and the Matianians;.and commands those countries, likewise, that extend towards that part*of the Pontus which is joined. with the Meeotis..: The province itself is broken into.many parts, by various chains of mountains, which coyer it, at certain distances, from east to west: and the plains between are .all filled with villages and cities. Molon; therefore, being master of a province so’ consi- derable, -and which was indeed itself a kingdom, was before, as we have said, very greatly to be dreaded.. But now, when the generals of the king had yielded to him all the. open, country, and this first success -had inspired his troops with confidence, his power appearedso great: and -
VOL. II. E
50 THE GENERAL HISTORY BOOK V.
formidable that all the people of Asia were struck with consternation, and began to lose all hope of being able to resist his arms. At finst, therefore, he resolved to pass the Tigris, and to besiege Seleucia. But being prevented in this design by Zeuxis, who had removed all the boats that were upon the river, he retreated back again to.a place that was called the Camp, in the neighbourhood of Ctesi- phon, and made the necessary preparations te pass the winter there with his army.
As soon as the king received the news that Molon had already made £0 quick a progress, and that his generals had retired before him, he resumed again his first design, and resolved to suspend his expedition against Ptolemy, and to march without any pew delay immediately against the rebels. But Hermias, persisting still in his former project, gave to Xencetas, an Acheean, the supreme com- mand of all the forces, and sent him against Molon. It was proper, he said, that generals should be employed to bring back rebellious subjects to their duty; but that a king should only take the field against a kitg, when the ‘ contest was for glory and for empire. And as Antiochus was at this time wholly in his power, he immediately began his. march to Apamea; assembled thetroops together; and from thence advanced to Laodicea. From this city, the king continued ‘his route with all the army, and having passed the desert, entered a close and narrow valley, which lies between the Libanus and Antilibanus, and is called the Vale of Marsyas. The narrowest part of the valley is covered bya lake and marshy ground, from whence are gathered aromatic reeds. The two sides of it ave secured by two fortresses, the one of which is called Bronchi, and the other Gerrha, which leave but a very inconsiderable space between them. The king, having marehed some days along the valley, and, in his way, reduced the cities that were near, came at last to Gerrha: and, finding that Theedotus the Ætolian had posted a sufficient force in both the fortresses, had fortified with trenches and with
CHAP. V. OF POLYBIUS. 51
palisades the pass that led along the Jake, and had placed some troops in every part that-was commodious for it, he, at first, endeavoured. to dislodge the enemy, and to force his passage. But, as all the posts were thus strongly forti- fied, he suffered great loss m the attempt, without being able to annoy the enemy. And, as Theodotus also was at this time firm in the interests of his master, he, at “i was forced to abandon the design.
Antiochus, being thus repulsed, and not able to sur- mount the difficulties that were before him, at the same time also received the news that Xencetas had suffered an entire defeat, and that all the upper provinces had submit- ted to the rebels. He resolved, therefore, to lay aside at once all farther thoughts of the expedition in which he “was now engaged, And? to tarn back again without delay to the assistance of his own proper kingdom. |
For Xencetas being raised, as we have said, to the su- preme command, and invested with a power to which his hopes had never dared to aspire, rejected with disdain the counsels of his friends, and pursued, in all his conduct, the dictates only of his own hasty and impetuous will. He led the army, however, to Seleucia; and being joined there by Diogenes and Pythiades, the first of whom was governor of the Susian province, and the other of the Red Sea, he advanced with all his forces, and encamped in sight of the enemy, having the Tigris in his front. But being assured by many soldiers, who swam over to him from ‘the camp of Molon, that, if he*would pass the river, the whole army of the rebels, who were jealous of their general’s greatness, and in their hearts still preserved a strong affection for the king, would at once embrace his party, he resolved imme- diately to transport his forces to the other side; and at first made a show as if he had designed to lay a bridge across the river in a part that forméd a’kind of island. But as he was wholly destitute of all things that were pro- per for his purpose, this attempt gave no solicitude to Molon. But afterwards when he had drawn together all
E2
52 THE GENERAL HISTORY BOOK V.
the boats that he was able to procure, he selected from the army the bravest of the forces, both infantry and cavalry, and leaving the care of the camp to Zeuxis and Pythiades, he marched down the stream to the distance of about eighty stadia from the place in which Molon lay encamped, passed the river without resistance, and encamped upon a very advantageous ground, which was almost every way sur- rounded by the river, and covered also in the other parts by pools and marshes that were not easy to be passed. As soon as Molon was informed of what had happened, he sent away his cavalry, in the hope that they would be able with little difficulty to intercept the forces as they passed the river, and obtain an easy victory over those that had already gained the land. But these troops, as they ap- proached, were themselves soon vanquished, without any efforts of the enemy. For being wholly unacquainted with the ground, they were plunged at every step into pits and pools; and being thus deprived of the power of resisting, were there all destroyed. Xencetas, who was still per- suaded that the rebels, upon his first approach, would run to embrace his party, continued his march afterwards along the river, and encamped very near the enemy. Molon, either by stratagem, or because he was apprehensive that the troops might indeed be inclined to join Xencetas, left all his baggage behind him in the camp, ‘and, beginning his march by night, directed his route towards Media. Xencetas, not doubting but that the retreat of Molon was the effect of fear and want of confidence in his troops, took possession of the camp from which the enemy had retired ; and brought over also all his cavalry, together with the bag- gage, which he had left on the other side of the river under the command of Zeuxis. He then assembled the troops together, and exhorted them boldly to expect a happy issue from the war, since Molon had already fled. He ordered them to take their full repast, and to be ready at break of day to pursue the enemy. The soldiers, being thus filled with confidence, and finding all kinds of pro-
CHAP. V. . OF- POLYBIUS. l . 53
visions in the camp, began to eat and drink without any moderation or restraint, till they fell at last into that state of careless and insensible security, which is the usual at- tendant of excess. But Molon, when he had gained a proper distance, or- dered his troops to take their supper, and then returned again towards the camp; and arriving about break of day forced the intrenchments, and fell with fury upon the enemy while they were all dispersed and drowned in wine. Xencetas, struck with consternation, and having in vain employed his efforts to raise the soldiers from their drunken sleep, threw himself into the middle of the combatants, and lost his life.» The greatest part of the troops were destroyed sleeping in their beds. The rest plunged into the river, and hoped to gain the camp that wgs on the other side. But of these the greater part were also lost. In a word, disorder, noise, and tumult were spread through all the camp. Every mind was filled with horror and distraction. In this state the troops, as they turned their eyes towards the camp on the opposite shore, which stood in full view, and at a very inconsiderable distance from them, forgot at once the strength and rapid violence of the stream that was between. Blinded, therefore, by their fears, and urged by the eager hopes of life, they leaped into the river; and even threw into it their horses and their baggage, as if the stream, by some kind of providential care, would have as- sisted them in their distress, and wafted them to the oppo- site bank in safety. But how lamentable, and how full of horror, was the scene! Men struggling with the waters ; horses also, and beasts of burthen, floating down the stream; with arms, dead carcases, and every kind of bag- gage. _ Molon, being thus master of the camp, passed the river without resistance, and gained possession also of the other camp, from which Zeuxis, had retired at his approach. After this success he advanced with all his army to Seleu- cia, and took it in the first assault; for Zeuxis still fled
54 THE GENERAL HISTORY BOOK V,
before him,,together with Diomedon, the governor of the city. From hence he marched through the country, and subdued without any diffieulty all the upper provinees. Having made himself master of Babylon, with. the country: which extends along the borders of the Red Sea, he came to. Susa, and took, this city also in the first assault; but failed in, his attempt to reduce: the citadel, into which Dio- genes had thrown himself wit: a body of forces. Leavings, therefore; one part of his army to invest the place, he. re= _ turned. back again: with the rest to Seleucia, upon the. Tigris. And having carefully refreshed. his troops, and encouraged them: to pursue the. war, he again: took the: field, and subdued all the country which Jay along the Tigris, and was called Parapotamia, as far as: to: the city Europus, and all Mesopotamia likewise as far as: Dura. The. news of these: rapid victories: foreed: Antiochus, as we have already, said, to lay aside alli thoughts of reducing: Ceele-Syria, and to:turn his whole attention upon the dan- ger which so. nearly threatened him.. He assembled, there- fore, a; second: council, and commanded: every:ene to de- clare his sentiments with: respect: to: the: measures that were: most proper to be taken: to cheek: the: progress. of the re= bels. Epigenes again- spoke the first, and said, that: before the enemy had gained such great. advantages, his. opinion was, that the king should: march: himself into: the country’ without delay.;, and: that he still persisted: in the same: ad= vice. He had scarcely: ended when: Hermias, giving now full scope to: his. resentment, vented’ his. rage im severe re»: proaches, and: charged: Epigenes with: many bitter: aceusa~ tions, which- were. both-absurd and false. He extolled’ the merit alsa. of his. own) great services; and pressed the king, with the utmost earnestness, by no means to desist fram his. first: design, or, abandon, upon.so slight: a shew of rea- san, the hopes which: he: had: conceived: of: joining Cole- Syria. to. his empire: But this: cowduet: gave’ no small offence to. the. whole, assembly. Antiochus. himself was also much. displeased ;. and-employed all his: power to quiet’
CHAP, V. OF POLYBIUS. 55
the contention; which he at: last: indeed: effected, but not Without gréat difficulty. ‘Fhe measures’ which’ Epigenes had advised were’ approved: by all the’ council, as the wisest atid’ most necessary’ in the present circumstances: It; therefore, was resolved, that-all other business should give place, dnt!’ that the king should: apies all:his' force against the rebels without: delay.
As soon ds the’ affair’ was: thus’ decided Hermiaslet fall at oñce all farther contest, avd conformed’ hiniself to this: opitiion, together with the rest. And declaring also; that: Wher a resolutioty orice was’ taken, every man- was obliged in duty to receive it without objection or excuse, he .ap- plied! hitiself in? earnest, dnd-with the greatest diligence, to make all thé necessiiry préparations for the war. But whem the troops: were drawn together to Apamea; and: a'sedition: had broken: out among them; on account of some arrears: that were’ owing to theny from their pay, observing that the king was filled: with: consternation, and seemed to fear ` that this disorder, having: happened at a time: so critical, might:bé attended with some fatal: consequences, he offered: to’ discharges at: his own: expence, the allowance that was: due, on’ condition: nly that Epigenes‘should be dismissed. For he said, that! as their mutual: contests’ and resentment! had been’ raised’ to such‘ a height, it was greatly to be feared that their presence together in the army: would soon- prove the source of some new: disorders; which: might be fatal’ in the: conduct: of the war- Fhe kingy:who knew that- Epigenés had gained a donsurtimate skill'int the- art of war, dnd! whe wished: especially, on that- account, that he might attend: him! im his- expedition, received’ this: demand with great reluctance and concern. But being pressed ‘and closely urged- on every side by the officers of the house, dnd by all his guards and servants, whom. Hermias, by his wicked artifices. had engaged in his designs, he was no longer master of himself,.but was: forced to yield to what the times: required; to consent to all that was proposed, and to-send orders to Epigenes'that he should remain: at Apa-
E 4
56 THE GENERAL HISTORY BOOK Ve
mea. . The members of the council were all seized with terror. The troops, having obtained their wishes, returned again to their duty, and were disposed to advance all the interests of Hermias, who had thus procured the payment of their stipends. ‘The Cyrrhestze alone, who were in num- ber about six thousand men, persisted ‘still in their revolt; and having separated themselves from the rest of the army, for some time occasioned no small trouble. But they were at last defeated in a set engagement with one of the gene- rals of the king; who destroyed the greater part of them in the action, and forced the rest to surrender at discre- tion.
Hermias, having thus struck all the friends of the king with terror, and secured to himself the favour and affection of the army, began his march, together with the king; and about the same time also, formed the following contrivance to destroy Epigenes ; having engaged in his design Alexis, who commanded in the citadel of Apamea. A letter was written in the name of Molon to Epigenes, and was placed privately among his. papers by a servant, whom they had gained by large promises to their party. Some time after- wards, Alexis came to Epigenes, and demanded, whether he had not received some letters from the rebels. Epi- genes, not without some shew of indignation, denied the charge. But Alexis, having replied that he would search, entered hastily into his apartments, found the letter, and upon that pretence immediately killed Epigenes. The king was prevailed on to believe that he had merited his fate ; -and those that were about the court, though they had some suspicion of the treachery, were restrained to silence by their fears.
The king now advanced towards the Euphrates, and being joined by the forces that were there, he continued his march from thence, and came to Antiochia in Mygdo- nia about the beginning of the winter. And having rested during forty days, till the extreme severity of the cold was passed, he again décamped, and arrived at Liba, and there
cole OF POLYBIUS. ` 57
called together his council, to deliberate on the route by = which he should advance against the rebels, who were at this time in the neighbourhood of Babylon, and to con- sider also by what means the army might most commo- diously be furnished with provisions in their march. In this assembly it was urged by Hermias, that they should continue their route along the Tigris; by which means they would be covered not only by that river, but by the Lycus also, and the Caprus. Zeuxis, to whose view the late lamentable fortune of Epigenes was present, for some time feared to declare his sentiments. But as the measure that was now proposed was sure to be attended with inevi- table ruin, he at last ventured to advise, that they should pass the ‘Tigris. He shewed, “ that in general the route along the river was very rough and difficult; that after. halving advanced to a considerable distance, and passed a desert also, which was not to be traversed in less than six days’ march, they must at last arrive at the place that was called the Royal Camp; that if the enemy should first have gained possession of this post it would be impossible for them to advance beyond it; nor could they, on the. other hand, return back again through the desert without the danger of being lost in their retreat, through the want of necessaries ; whereas, on the other hand, if the king would now pass the river, it was not to be doubted but that all the ‘Apollonians would seize at once the occasion of his, presence, and return again to their duty, since they were joined to Molon not by any affection, but by necessity and fear; that as the country was rich and fertile, the troops. might from thence be furnished with provisions in the. greatest plenty; that Molon being thus cut off from his return to Media, and deprived of the subsistence likewise. which he had hitherto received from all this province, must. of necessity be forced to venture on a battle; or in case- he should decline it, that his troops would soon revolt, and h run to embrace the party of the king.” _ This opinion. was consented’ tø by all. They divided the army, therefore,
4
rd
53 THE GENERAL HISTORY xoox v.
into: three separate bodies; passed: the river‘ in. three dif- ferent parts with: alk their’ baggage; and came to Duray which was ther besieged: by one of the generals of Molon. But. the siege: was’ raised upon! their first-approach: They then continued: their muvel forwards without delay, and: having. on the eighth day passed beyond the: Oricusy arrived at Apollonia.
When: Molon. was: informed that Antiochus advanced: fast towards him, distrustiig on the one hand the’ fidelity of the people of Susiana- and! of Babylon, who had so' lately been constrained. to join. his party; and dreading alsoy on: the other’ hand, that his return to’ Media might be soon cut: off, he: resolved. to lay a bridge- across the Tigris, to transport: his: army over,,and possess liimselfy before Ane tiechus,. of those mountains-that stood upon: the borders: of the Apollonian territory; being: persuaded, that with the assistance of his Gyrtian: slingers, who were véry numerousp he.should be able to maintain that. post. against the kings- 'Fhis design was immediately. carried: into execution. He . passed-the' river, and continued his march. forwards. with! the: greatest’ haste.. But when he had just: reached thé mountains, his: light-armed troops that were sent. before, were, met by those -of the king, who had also beguii- his march. from. Apollonia. with all his army. ‘These troops at. first: engaged together in- some. slight. skirmishes; but. as the main. bodies now approached, they severally retired, and. encamped:together with their respective armies, leaving the. distanee of about forty stadia-between: the’ camps.
When:night came on, Molon,: having considered with himself how: difficult.and datigerots it: was to'lead an army of rebels'against-their-sovereign,: face to facey-and in the clear light. of day, resolved. to attack: Antiochus in the night. He selected,: therefore, all. the bravest of his troops, and- taking a-circuit- round; designed to- choose some emi- rience, and to fall: from thence upon the:royalb camp. But being informed that ten young soldiers had left- him in the march,:and gone to'join the:king; he was forced to desist
CHAP. V. OF POLYBIUS. 59
from this design, and return back again tø his owm ine trenchments, which:. he entered about break of day, and spread great disorder through all the camp. For the sok diers, being thus: suddenly awakened from their sleep}: were so terrified by the: noise and tumult. of his entry; that. they began: to fly: with, great precipitation from the camp. Melon employed all his pains: to ealm their apprehensions, and,.as effectually as. the time: would them petty quieted: the disorder..
As soon as day appeared, the sl ghee drawn out. alb his. forees, vanged: them in erder of battle.. Upon the right. wing he placed:first the: cavalry that were armed. with lances, wader the eomnrand of. Ardys, a general of consum- mate skilk and. bravery. Next: tœ these wore: the Crotam troops; then the tectosages ; after these;.the Grecian: mer cenariesi; and: last: of all}. in: the: same line;. the phalanx. Upon. the left. wing stood the cavalry, who were called: the companions of the king. The: elephants; which: weve ten hy number; were: stationed,. at certain: distances;:in: front. of all the army, Some cohorts. also boti of infantry: and! cavalry! were distributed into both the wings; with orders: that they should surround! the enemy, and’ fall upow their flank, as soon as the battle was begun: Tlie king: then’ went round ' the army, and raised‘ the courage’ of thie troops’ by a short harangue; sucly as the time: required.’ He gave’ tie care of the left wing’ to Hermias:and Zeuxis, and’ him- self commanded in the t ight. | -
Molor drew out Ritortse all’ his forces, and' ranged thet int order of battle, but not without the greatest difficulty y for the tumult and: contusion that were raised in the night before had! not’ yet subsided. At’ last; however; having’ observed! the: disposition’ of the enemy; he’ placed’ his ca-
valryalso`upon the-wings;’ and’ the peltapliori; tlie Gauls; and’ all his heavy-armed' forces’in the centre:. The-archers; slingers, and’ all’ the rest’ of the light-armed troops were thrown into the extremity of either wing; and the chariots, armed ‘with falchions, were disposed, at certain distaitces,
60 THE GENERAL HISTORY BOOK V.
in the front: of all the army. The :left wing was commanded by his brother Neolas, and himself led the right. i E
- The two armies now approached each other, and began the combat. . The right wing of Molon remained firm to their engagements, and bravely sustained the charge of Zeuxis. But the left no sooner had beheld the presence of the king, than they joined themselves immediately to his party. ‘This accident, as it inspired the royal. troops with double ardour, struck the rebels with consternation and despair. Molon, perceiving what had happened, and being already inclosed on every side, representing also to his mind the cruel torments which he must soon be forced to suffer in case that he should fall alive into the power of the enemy, killed himself with his own hands. The rest of the chiefs likewise, who had joined in the revolt, retired all to their several houses, and-embraced a voluntary death. Neolas, escaping from the battle, fled into Persis, to Alexander the brother of Molon. And when he had first killed Molon’s mother, together with his children, and prevailed on Alexander. also to consent to die, he then pierced himself with his own sword, and fell upon their- bodies. ‘The king plundered the camp of the rebels; and ordered the body of Molon to be exposed upon a cross in the most conspicuous part of Media. This accordingly was done. The body was removed -into the district of Callonitis, and was there fixed upon a cross, upon the ascent of the mountain Zagrus. He then reproached the troops with their rebellion in a long and severe harangue; but gave them afterwards his hand in sign of pardon, and appointed some persons also to conduct them back again to Media, and to quiet the disorders of the country ; while himself, returning to Seleucia, restored peace among the neighbouring provinces, and displayed in all his conduct not less gentleness than prudence. But Hermias, still inexorable and severe, urgedthe guilt of the people of Seleucia; imposed the payment ofa thousand talents upon
CHAP. V. OF POLYBIUS. 61
the city; drove into banishment the magistrates; and dis- membered, tortured, and destroyed great numbers of the inhabitants. . The king exerted. all his power to restrain this fury; employing sometimes entreaties and persuasions, and sometimes interposing his authority. He -lessened also, the fine that was at first demanded from the citizens, and exacted. a hundred and fifty talents, only, in full pu- nishment of their offence. And thus, though not without great difficulty, he at last calmed their minal and restored quiet. to the city. When this was done, he appointed Diogenes to be governor.of Media, and Apollodorus. of Susiana; and sent Tychon, the chief secretary, to com- mand in the parts that bordered upon the-Red Sea. ~- Such was the end of the revolt of Molon, and of the disorders that were occasioned by it in the upper provinces.:
The king, elate with this success, and being’ willing also to restrain, for the time to come, the barbarous states that were contiguous to his kingdom from assisting his rebel- lious subjects with supplies or troops, resolved now. to turn his arms against Artabazanes, who governed the Atropa- tians, with some others of the neighbouring nations, and who, of all the princes of: the country, was,the most consi- derable in strength and power. Hermias, apprehending still the danger that must attend an expedition into these upper provinces, for some time stood averse to. this design, and was eager to resume his former project, of engaging in a war with Ptolemy. But when he heard that:a son was born to the king, he began to reflect within himself that among those barbarous nations some misfortune. possibly might happen to Antiochus, and that many occasions End arise in which he might be deprived of life. He consented, therefore, to all that was proposed; being -per- suaded, that if he could once be able to destroy the king, he should become the guardian of his son, and master of all the kingdom. When the affair was thus decided, Antiochus began his march with all his forces, passed beyond the Zagrus, and entered the territory of Artabaza-
62 THE GENERAL HISTORY BOOK V. ’
nes, which lies close to Media, and is only separated from it by a chain of mountains. It extends towards those parts of the Pontus which are above the river Phasis, and approaches also very near to the Hyrcanian sea. The country abounds with people who are robust and valiant, and especially with horses; and produces likewise every kind of necessaries that are required in war. This king- dom, having never been subdued by Alexander, had re- mained entire from the time of the destruction of the Persian empire. But Artabazanes, struck with terror at the king’s approach, and being also at this time very far advanced in age, yielded to the necessity that pressed him, and submitted without reserve to such conditions as were demanded by the king. :
About this time Apollophanes, who was physician to Antiochus, and who stood in a high degree of favour with him, observing that the insolence and the ambitious views of Hermias no longer were restrained within any bounds, ‘began to entertain some apprehensions with respect to the person of the king, and was still more alarmed by his fears for his own life and safety. He chose the time, therefore, that was most favourable to his purpose, and pressed Antiochus to raise himself from his security; to be upon his guard against the daring spirit of this minister, and to obviate in time that lamentable fate in which his brother had so lately perished. He assured him that the danger was already very near; and begged that he would pursue without delay such measures as might best secure both himself and all his friends. Antiochus, upon this discourse, acknowledged that he both feared and hated Hermias; and thanked Apollophanes for his concern, and for the courage also which he had shewn in speaking to him upon such a subject. Apollophanes was overjoyed to find that he had formed so true a judgment of the sentiments and disposi- tion of the king. And when Antiochus desired him not to be content with words alone, but endeavour rather, in con- junction with himself, to find out some effectual remedy
CHAP. V. OF POLYBIUS. 63
against the danger, he assured him that he was ready to obey all his orders, ‘Their design was soon .concerted, Qa pretence that the king was seized with a giddiness in his head, the servants of his chamber, with all the ordinary guards, were for some days remoyed, and his friends alone were admitted to his presence; by which means there was full time and opportunity to communigate the secret. to such persons as were proper to be trusted. Wiben they had gained the number that was sufficient for their purpose, a task which, as Hermias was so generally detested, was by no means difficult, they prepared to carry their project into execution. The physicians advised that the king should walk abroad as soon as it was day to take the benefit of the cold morning air. At the appointed time Hermias was ready to attend him, tegether with those friends that were engaged in the design. But the rest of the court were absent, not expecting that the king would appear abroad at so unusual an hour. When they were come to a certain solitary place at some distance from the camp, the king turned aside as if to satisfy some meces- sary occasion, and they then stabbed Hermias with their poniards, ‘Thus fell this minister by a punishment that was far too gentle for his crimes. Antiochus, being thus delivered from his fears, immediately decamped, and di- rected his route back again to Syria. In every ‘place through which he passed, his actions all were celebrated by the people with the loudest praise; and above the rest,
the fate which he had decreed to Hermias. About the same time alse, the wife of Hermias was killed at Apamea by the women of the city, and his aa by the children.
As soon as the king arrived at home, and had dismissed his army to their winter quarters, he sent letters to Ach zeus filled with expostulations and reproaches, on account of his having dared to place upon his head the royal diadem, and usurped the name of king. He assured him, likewise, that he was well acquainted with the measures which he
64 THE GENERAL HISTORY sor
had concerted with king Ptolemy, and.that in general he was perfectly informed of those rebellious projects which he had designed against him. For while Antiochus was engaged in his expedition against Artabazanes, Achzeus, being persuaded either that the king would perish in the war, or that, before he could be able to return again from a country so remote, himself might enter Syria with an army, and with the assistance of the Cyrrhestee, who had just before revolted, might force that kingdom to receive his yoke, began his march from Lydia with all his army; and when he arrived at Laodicea in Phrygia, he there first assumed the diadem, and wrote letters in the royal name to all the cities; being encouraged chiefly in this design by a certain exile, whose name was Syniris. But as he continued his march forwards, and was ready just to enter Lycaonia; the troops, beginning to perceive that his inten- tion was to lead them against we natural prince, fell into discontent and mutiny. Achzus, therefore, after this declaration of their sentiments, desisted from his project; and in’ order to convince the army that he never had designed to enter Syria, he changed the direction of .his march, and pillaged the province of Pisidia. And having thus, by the booty that was made, regained the confidence and favour of the troops, he returned back again to his own home. But Antiochus had been fully informed of all that was designed against him. . He sent, therefore, as we have said, continual messengers to threaten and reproach Achzeus;’ and, in the mean while, employed his whole pains and diligence in completing all the necessary prepa- rations for his war with Ptolemy.
As the spring approached, having drawn together to Apamea all his forces, he held there a consultation with his friends to deliberate on the manner in which he best might enter Coele-Syria. Upon this occasion, when many long discourses had béen made concerning the nature of the country, the preparations that were necessary, and the advantage of employing a naval armament, Apollophanes,
CHAP. V. OF POLYBIUS. 65
whom we have lately mentioned, and who was a native of Seleucia, cut short at once every opinion -that had been proposed, and said, “ that it seemed to be in a high degree absurd to shew so great eagerness and haste to conquer Ccele-Syria; while, at the same time, Seleucia, the capital of the kingdom, and their sacred seat of empire, was still suffered to remain in the hands of Ptolemy; that besides the dishonour that-was reflected upon the king from suf- fering his chief city to be possessed by an Egyptian gar- rison, the place itself was such as would afford many very great advantages for the conduct of the war; that while an enemy was master of it, it must prove a constant obstacle in the way of all their enterprises; since whenever they should attempt to advance into a distant province, the danger which would constantly hang over‘their own king- dom from this city, would oblige them to employ not less pains and preparation to secure the several posts at home, than those that would be requisite in their expedition against the enemy abroad; but that, on the other hand, if they could once regain possession of this place, ‘as their own kingdom would by that’ means be perfectly secured from insult, so the happy situation’ also of the city might enable them to pursue with great advantage all their other projects both by land and sea.” ° These sentiments were approved by all the council. It was resolved, therefore, to begin the war with attempting to retake Seleucia; which had been possessed by an Egyptian garrison’ from the time of Ptolemy Euergetes. For‘this prince, in re- sentment of the death of Berenice, had entered Syria with an army, and made himself master of this city. ° When the affair was thus determined, the king ordered Diognetus to steer his course towards Seleucia ath’ the''fleet, while himself began’ his march from Apamea, ‘and came ‘and encamped near the Circis, at: the’ distance of five’ stadia from the city. -He sent: also Theodotus, the Hermicnian, into‘ Coele-Syria with! a sufficient-body of! forces-to secure
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66 THE GENERAL HISTORY BOOK V.
the passes, and to be ready to act on that side as occasion should require.
The situation of Seleucia, with the country round it, is as follows. The city stands very near the sea, between Cilicia and Phoenice, at the foot of a mountain of an uncommon height, which is called Corypheeus. This mountain, on the western side, is washed by the sea that divides Cyprus and Phcenice; and, on the side towards the east, it commands the country that lies round Antio- chia and Seleucia. The city itself, being situated on the southern side of the mountain, and separated from it by a valley very deep and steep, winds away towards the sea, and is surrounded on almost every side by broken rocks and precipices. In the plain, between the city and the sea, are the markets and the suburbs, which are strongly fortified with walls. ‘The city also is inclosed with walls of an uncommon strength and beauty, and is adorned with temples and other sumptuous edifices. On the side towards the sea it can only be approached by a steep ascent of steps, which are cut close and deep into the ` rocks. Not far from the city is the mouth of the river Orontes; which takes its source near the Libanus and Antilibanus, and passing through the plains of Amyca, flows on to Antiochia, and, having cleansed that city of all its filth, falls at last into the sea of Cyprus near Seleucia.
Antiochus, upon his first approach, endeavoured, by the assurance of very great rewards, to prevail on the chief governors to surrender the city tohim. But when all his offers were rejected, he found means to gain some of the inferior officers to his party; and trusting to the assist- ance which these had promised, he resolved immediately to attack the city on the side towards the sea with the naval forces, and with the land army on the opposite side. He divided the troops, therefore, into three separate bo- dies, and having encouraged them as the occasion re-
CHAP. V. OF POLYBIUS. 67
quired, and promised crowns and great rewards both to the officers and soldiers, he posted Zeuxis, with the forces that were under his command, against the gates which led to Antiochia, and Hermogenes on the side that looked towards Dioscurium. Ardys and Diognetus were com- manded also to attack the port and suburbs. For the officers, that were corrupted by the king, had promised that, as soon as he should have forced the suburbs, they would deliver the city to him. The signal was now given for the attack, and the troops advanced from every part with vigour; but chiefly those that were led by Ardys and Diognetus. For, on the other sides, the soldiers were forced to crawl to a considerable distance upon their hands and feet, and at the same time defend themselves against the enemy, before they could attempt to scale the walls. - But in the port and suburbs there was full room to advance, and to fix their ladders, even without resist- ance. While the forces, therefore, from the fleet scaled the port, Ardys having, at the same time, forced his way into the suburbs, became master of them with little diffi- culty. For those that were within the city, being them- selves closely pressed on every side, were not able to send any assistance to the rest. When the king was thus master of the suburbs, the officers who had been gained over to his interests ran together to Leontius, the governor of the. city, and urged him to send a deputation to Antiochus, and endeavour to obtain some fair conditions from him, before the city also should be stormed. Leontius; not ) suspecting any treachery, and being himself struck also with the consternation which these men now assumed, sent and demanded from Antiochus a promise of life and safety for all that were within the city. The king con- sented that those who were of free condition should be safe. The number of them was about six thousand. He then entered the city, and not only spared the inhabitants that were free, but permitted those also that had fled from the city to return; and restored to them their possessions, F2
68 THE GENERAL HISTORY BOOK V.
with all their former rights. He secured:also, by a suffi- cient garrison, the port and citadel.
CHAP. VI.
WHILE Prae was - employed, pe received letters from Theodotus, who pressed him to advance into Coele-Syria without delay, and promised to deliver up the province to him. The king was for some time doubtful and irresolute, and knew not what measures were the best to be pursued. ‘Theodotus, as we have already men- tioned, was an /Etolian by his birth, and had performed great services for Ptolemy; but instead of being able to obtain any suitable reward, he on the contrary had almost lost his life. At the time therefore in which. Antiochus was engaged in his expedition against Molon, perceiving clearly ‘that. no favour was to be expected from king Ptolemy, and that the courtiers also had resolved to work his ruin, he prevailed on Panetolus to secure the city of ‘Tyre, vilsile himself seized Ptolemais; and- now pressed Antiochus with the greatest earnestness to attempt the conquest of the province. The king, therefore, having at last resolved to suspend awhile his designs against Achzeus, began his march towards Ceele-Syria, by the same route which he before had taken; passed through the Vale of Marsyas, and encamped near the fortress Gerrha, which was situated in the extremity of the valley, upon the lake that covered the defile. But being informed that Nico- laus, one of the generals of Ptolemy, had invested Theo- dotus in Ptolemais, he advanced in haste with the light armed troops, with design to raise the siege; having left ‘behind him all his heavy forces, and given orders to the generals to lay siege to Brochi, the other fortress, which stood ‘also upon the lake, and served to guard the entrance of the defile. Nicolaus no sooner heard that the king approached, than he’ immediately retired; and sent Lago-
— OF POLYBIUS. ) 69
ras a Cretan, and Dorymenes an Ætolian, to secure the passes that were near Berytus. But. the king, upon his first approach, attacked and drove them. from their post, and encamped near the.passes.. And. having there re- ceived, the rest of the troops as they came up, and encou- raged them by such words as his designs required, he con- tinued his .march forwards, elate .with’ his success and filled. with the fairest hopes.. About this time also Theo- dotus and Panezetolus, with all their friends, advanced to join him, and were.received with the greatest marks of fa- vour: The king then took possession of Tyre and Ptole- mais,-with all the armaments and stores. Among these were forty .vessels; of which twenty, that were decked ships, completely fitted and equipped, carried each of them at least.four.ranks. of oars. .The rest were triremes, bi- remes, and single boats. . The king left the care of all this fleet to Diognetus:.and having been informed that Pto- lemy had retired. to Memphis, and. that the forces of the kingdom were drawn together at Pelusium; that the sluices all.were opened,. and.the sweet waters diverted from their course; he desisted from. his first design of marching to attack Pelusium, and leading his army round the coun- try, drew the cities to submission, some by gentle means, and some by force. For those that were slightly fortified surrendered to him at his. first approach. But others, which were strongly situated, and well supplied with stores, remained firm against all persuasion, and forced him to en- camp before them, and employ much time and pains to re- duce-them by.a regular siege. . ; TET
During.this. time, Ptolemy, whose PEEPI thus per- fidiously attacked, demanded the earliest. care, . remained wholly insensible of all that was transacted, and shewed not even the least desire to revenge’ the insult. Such was the weakness of: this lazy and luxurious prince; and so great his disregard of every thing that related to the affairs of war. But-Sosibius and Agathocles, who were the first in the administration of. the kingdom, agreed together to
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70 THE GENERAL HISTORY ook v.
pursue those measures, which were, indeed, the best that could be taken in the present.circumstances, For they re- solved, that they would make all the necessary preparations for the war with the greatest diligence, and, in the mean while, send ambassadors to Antiochus to treat of peace: being persuaded, that, by this contrivance, they should give a present check to the ardour of that prince, and con- firm the opinion which he had conceived of Ptolemy, that he would, by no means, venture to take arms against him, but rather try to terminate the dispute by conferences, and with the assistance of his friends prevail upon him to retire again from Ccele-Syria. When the project was thus con- certed, and themselves also charged with the management and execution of it, they dispatched’ an embassy to An- tiochus without delay. At the same time, they engaged the Rhodians also, and Byzantines, with the Cyzicenians and Ætolians, to send some deputies to mediate a peace. And, while these different embassies went and returned again between the kings, they had themselves full leisure to complete their-preparations for the war. For having fixed their residence in Memphis, they there gave audience to the ambassadors, and received those especially, that came to them from Antiochus, with great marks of favour, but sent, at the same time, secret orders for drawing toge- ther to Alexandria all the mercenaries that were employed in any of the provinces abroad. They made new levies also; and provided such supplies of corn and other stores as were sufficient not only for the troops that were then assembled, but for all those likewise who should afterwards arrive to join them. They went down also, from time to time, in turn, to Alexandria; that, by their presence, all things might be obtained, that were in any manner neces- sary for the war.
The care of providing proper arms, together with the choice and disposition of the troops, was entrusted to Eche- crates of Thessaly, Phoxidas a Meliteean, Eurylochus a Magnesian, Socrates of Boeotia, and Cnopias a citizen of
CHAP. VI. -OF POLYBIUS. 71
Alorus.. For it happened, most fortunately indeed, at this juncture, that these men were present in the country; who, from having served in the wars of. Demetrius and Antigonus, had gained some knowledge of real service, and were acquainted with the manner of conducting an army in the field. They began, therefore, to train all the troops anew, according to the rules of military science: distributing into separate bodies the soldiers of a different age or country, and giving to each the most useful kind of arms, in the room of those to which they had been before accustomed. ‘They. changed the form of the enrolments in which the troops were registered; and having esta- blished new and different orders, more suitable to the pre- sent times, they taught, by continual exercise, every sepa- rate body, not only to be obedient to command, but also to perform with ease all the steps and motions that belonged to their respective arms. . They appointed all general re- views, and spared no pains to encourage the troops with hopes, or to instruct them in their duty. In this task, they received no small assistance from Andromachus of Aspendus, and Polycrates of Argos, who had lately arrived - from Greece, and brought with-them all the skill and mar- tial ardour, for which the people.of that country are so justly celebrated. They were both distinguished likewise by the splendour of their families, and their wealth. Po- lycrates especially not only derived his birth from a very ancient house, but was illustrious also from the glory which Mnasiadas, his father, had acquired, by his victories in the public games. ‘These men now exerted all their efforts to instruct and animate the troops: and, both by their ha- rangues in public to the army, as well as by their private admonitions, they, by degrees, inspired them with full con- fidence and courage.
Among the generals, every one was appointed to the charge which seemed most perfectly adapted to his talents and peculiar skill. Eurylochus, the Magnesian, com-. manded a body of three thousand men, who were called
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72 THE GENERAL HISTORY BOOK V.
the royal guard; and Socrates of Boeotia, the peltaste, in number ‘about two thousand. Phoxidas the Acheean, with. Ptolemy the son of Thraseas, and Andromachus ‘of Aspendus, exercised together in a body the phalanx and the Grecian mercenaries. ‘The phalanx, which consisted of twenty-five thousand men, was commanded by Ptolemy and Andromachus: and the mercenaries; who were about eight thousand, by Phoxidas. Seven hundred horse, which belonged also to the royal guard, the cavalry from Afric, and that which had been levied inthe country, the whole amounting to about three thousand, were both exercised and commanded likewise by Polycrates. Echecrates also, the Thessalian, to whom the Grecian and all the foreign cavalry, to the number of two thousand, was entrusted, had‘ trained and disciplined them with such perfect’ skill and judgment, that they performed the greatest service afterwards in the battle. But, among all the rest, there was none that surpassed Cnopias of Alorus, in the management of the troops that were entrusted to his‘care. These weré ten thousand Cretans; among whom were a thousand Neo: cretans, commanded by Philo, 4 citizen of Cnossus. There were also among the troops, three thousand Africans, artned after the Macedonian mannet, and led by Ammonius of Barce; and a phalanx likewise of Egyptians, composed of twenty thousand men, and corfimanded by Sosibius. They had also a body of Gauls and Thtacians; among whom four thousand were the established troops that had long been settled in the country; and two thousand of them were lately raised.’ At the héad of these was Diony< sius, who was by birth a Thracian. Such were the ñùm- bers, and the different nations, of which the army of Pto- lemy was now composed.
During this time, Antiochus continued to press the siexé of Dura. But his efforts all were fruitless: both because the place was by nature’ strongly fortified, and the garrison also reinforced, from time to time, by the care of Nico- laus. As the winter, therefore, now approached, he yielded
CHAP. VI. OF POLYBIUS. | 78
=e
to the ambassadors of Ptolemy,. consented to a truce of four months’ continuance; and: declared, that. he was: even ready to put an- end- to- the whole. dispute, upon conditions the most just and reasonable.. This`assurance was, how~ ever,-very different from his. real sentiments. But. he was now impatient to. return, that-his troops: might. take their winter quarters in Scleucia.- For-:it was now clear, beyond all doubt, that-Acheeus had formed designs against. ‘him, and ‘was joined in close connexion with king’ Ptolemy. He dismissed, therefore, the ambassadors, with-orders, that they should hasten to return again, and meet him at Seleucia, bringing with them the last determination of their master? He then placed garrisons in all the proper posts, and have ing left the care of the province to: Theodotus, began his march back towards Seleucia, and there sent his army into winter quarters. Nor was he, after this: time, m the:least solicitous to exercise the’ troops: being persuaded, that the dispute would soon be brought: to'a decision without hav- ing recourse again to arms. ‘For he flattered himself, that ashe already had subdued many parts: of Ceele-Syria and Pheenice, the ‘rest would be yielded to him ‘in a confer- ence; and that Ptolemy would never dare to risk ‘a gene- ral'battle. His ambassadors were also fixed ‘in the same’ opinion being deceived by the’ civilities that were shewn’ towards them ‘by Sosibius.” For this minister had detained’ them with him still at Memphis, and’ covered from their knowledge all the preparations that were ‘at the‘same time made at Alexandria.’ By this artful management, when the ambassadors again returned, he was Lp Rey = pre’ pared either for peace or war. i ` ‘But-Antiochus, as he had already-subdued his enemies’ in the field, resolved, if possible, to shew himself’ superior’ alsó in the conferences: ‘When the ambassadors therefore met him’at Seleucia, and began’ to propose the conditions of the peace agreeably to- their instructions from Sosibius, the king declared, that ‘it was absurd to ‘say, that he had offered any injury to Ptolemy, ‘by entering Ceele-Syria
74 THE GENERAL HISTORY BOOK V.
with an army; since he had endeavoured only to recover the possession of a country, which belonged to him by a proper right. He shewed, that Antigonus, who was sur- named Cocles, had first subdued this province: and that Seleucus afterwards obtained possession of it: that his own claim was founded upon these strong titles, too clear to be disputed; and that from thence it must be acknowledged,
that the country belonged to him alone, and not to Pto- lemy. ‘That it was true, indeed, that Ptolemy had de- clared war against Antigonus; but that he had no design to join the province to his own dominions, but only to se- cure the sovereignty of it to Seleucus. Above all the rest, he urged the joint determination of the kings Lysimachus, - Cassander, and Seleucus; who, when they had defeated Antigonus in battle, resolved, with one consent, that all Syria should be yielded to Seleucus.
In reply to all these reasons, the ambassadors on the other side insisted with no small earnestness, that the trea- son of Theodotus, and the invasion of Coele-Syria by An- tiochus, were a gross and notorious insult, and an open violation of the rights of Ptolemy. They said that Pto- lemy the son of Lagus had fairly acquired the sovereignty of the province: and that the assistance, which he furnished to Seleucus in the war, was expressly sent upon these con- ditions; that Seleucus should possess all Asia, but that Ceele-Syria and Phoenice should be left to Ptolemy.
In this manner was the contest long supported, in the course of many deputations and debates, without any pro- spect of agreement. For as the conferences all were held by the friends alone of either party, there were none that could interpose between them, to moderate and restrain their warmth, whenever they attempted to extend their claims beyond the bounds ofj justice. The business also of Achzeus was found to be a matter even of greater difficulty than the rest. For it was strongly urged.by Ptolemy, that he should be included in the treaty. But Antiochus would scarcely suffer it to be proposed; but exclaimed against it
i
r
CHAP. VI. OF POLYBIUS. 75
as a most intolerable insult, that Ptolemy should presume to interpose in favour of a. traitor, or even so much as name a man, who had rebelled against his natural prince.
. While each side thus endeavoured to maintain their ground, the spring at last came on, before the contest was in any point decided. . Antiochus, therefore, drew together all his forces, designing to attack Coele-Syria both by land and sea, and make himself master of the other parts of the province. At the same time Ptolemy, having entrusted the conduct of the war to Nicolaus, sent large supplies of stores to Gaza, and ordered his fleet to advance, together with a land army. When the troops. arrived, the general in con- cert with Perigenes, who commanded the naval forces, and who was ready to comply with all his orders, began with great alacrity to make the necessary disposition for se- curing the country against the enemy. The fleet was com- posed of thirty decked vessels, with more than four hun- dred ships of transport. Nicolaus himself was an AXtolian by birth; and was not inferior, either in courage or expe- rience, to any of the generals of Ptolemy. He sent away. a part of his army, to possess themselves of the defiles of Platanus; while himself, encamping with the rest near Porphyreon, resolved, with the assistance of the fleet which was stationed near him, to oppose on that side the entrance of the king.
Ean arriving now at Marathos, 5 being met there by the people of Aradus, who came:to offer to him their assistance in the war, not only received them into his alliance, but quieted also some contentions which had been long maintained between the Aradians of the island, and those that lived upon the continent. He then entered Syria, along the mountain called Theoprosopon, and came to Berytus; having taken Botrys in his march, and set fire to Calamus and Trieres. And when he had sent away Nicarchus and Theodotus, to secure the passes that were near the river Lycus, he from thence continued his march forwards, and encamped upon the banks of the Damura;
76, THE GENERAL HISTORY BOOK V.
being still followed by his fleet, which sailed along the coast as he advanced, under the command of Diognetus; From this place, being now joined again by Theodotus and Nicarchus, with the light-armed troops, :he advanced to take a view ‘of those defiles that were possessed by Nico laus;-and -having carefully. observed the nature of the ground, as well as the strength and situation of the several posts, he then returned back again to his camp.
-On the following. day, having: left behind him all ig heavy forces widar the care of Nicarchus, he advanced with the rest of the army to attack the enemy in these de- files: ‘The place in which Nicolaus now. was posted was a narrow ground which lay between mount Libanus and the sea; and: was covered also by an eminence, very rough and steep, and which. left the passage along the shore exs tremely close-and difficult. He had placed-in every part that was commodious for it a numerous body of troops; and having’ thrown up also various works, he flattered him- self that he should be able, without much difficulty, to prevent the enemy. from penetrating through the passes. = Antiochus divided all his forces into three separate bodies, and, gave one of them’ to Theodotus, with orders that he should dislodge the enemy from their posts at the foot of the mountain Libanus; and that the second, which was led by Menedemus, at the same time should employ their utmost efforts to force their passage along the middle of the eminence. The last division was posted close upon the shore under the command of Diocles, the governor of Parapotamia. The king himself, attended by his guards; took his station in the Hitddles that from thence he might be able to discern all that passed, and to send assistance as occasion should require. At the same time Diognetus and Perigenes made all things ready for the engagement; having drawn their fleets very near to shore, and formed them into such a disposition that they seemed to make one front with their respective armies. The signal now was made, and the battle at once begun both by land and sea.
CHAP. VI. OF POLYBIUS. 77
Upon the sea, because the strength and number of. the combatants were nearly equal, the success was also equal. But by land ‘Nicolaus, assisted by his situation, ‘at - first gained some advantage -in the action. -But when Theo- dotus, having forced the enemy from their posts along the foot of the mountain, fell afterwards. with violence upon them from the higher ground, they then: fled with great precipitation: About two thousand of them were.kiiled in the pursuit, and an equal number taken prisoners. ‘The rest escaped to Sidon. Perigenes also, though he. ‘had hitherto maintained the fight upon the sea with the fairest prospect of success, no sooner saw that the army was com- pletely routed, than he was struck with consternation,‘and retreated etre with the fleet towards the same sel without any loss. tere
- Antiochus, taking with him all his forces, came ‘and encamped before Sidon. But as the-city was completely filled with stores, and the number of the inhabitants who were now also joined by those that had fled from the late éngagement very great,-he made no attempt to take the place: but continued his march forwards towards Philo- teria; and sent orders-to Diognetus, that he should sail with the fleet to Tyre. Philoteria*lies close upon the borders of that lake, into which the river Jordan enters; and from whence, flowing ‘out again, ‘it passes through those plains in which the city of Scythopolis is situated. The king, having obtained possession of both these places, _ which were surrendered to him’ upon conditions, was’now filled with the fairest hopes with regard to the final issue of the war. For the country, that was subject to these cities, was such as would afford very large supplies, suffi- cient for all the army; and furnish them with every kind of necessaries in the greatest plenty. ‘Having: left in both a proper garrison, he then passed beyond the mountains, and came to Atabyrium; which was situated upon a hill of a globular form, whose height was more than fifteen stadia. Yn order to become master of this’ city he employed the
78 THE GENERAL HISTORY BOOK V.
following stratagem. Having engaged the inhabitants in a skirmish, he directed his own troops to retreat, as if they had fled before them: and when he had thus drawn the enemy to a considerable distance, facing suddenly round again, and at the same time sending orders to some troops that were placed in ambuscade to rise and join in the attack, he killed great numbers of them, and pursuing closely after those that fled, took advantage of their con- sternation, and entered the city with them without resist- ance.
About this time, Cerzeas, one of the generals of Ptolemy, came and joined Antiochus; who received him with such high marks of honour, that many other commanders also were soon afterwards induced to follow the example. Among these was Hippolochus of Thessaly; who brought likewise with him a body of four hundred horse.
The king, having secured Atabyrium by a garrison, began his march; and as he advanced took Pella, Camus, and Gephrus. After this success all the people who inha- bited the neighbouring places of Arabia urged each other to submit, and with one consent embraced his party. Having received, therefore, from them some provisions for his army, he again continued his march forwards, full of joy and confidence, and passing through the district of Gladiatis, made himself master of Abila, taking prisoners also the troops that were drawn together for its defence, under the command of Nicias, who was the kinsman and friend of Meneas. Gadara, which was esteemed to be the strongest of all the cities that were in that part of the country, still remained to be subdued. But no sooner had the king encamped before it, and begun to advance his works, than the inhabitants were struck with terror, and surrendered. Being now informed, that the enemy had assembled in great numbers at Rabatamana, a city of Arabia, and from thence made incursions upon the lands of those Arabians who had submitted to him, he imme- diately began his march in haste, and came and encamped
4
CHAP, VII. OF POLYBIUS. 719
near the hills, upon which the city was built. And when he had surveyed it round on every side, and remarked that there were two places only by which it was possible to approach it, he there planted his machines, and made the ` necessary disposition for the attack. ‘The batteries on one side were commanded by Nicarchus, and on the other by Theodotus; while the king attended alike to both with equal vigilance, and observed the zealous emulation of the generals. As the attack’ was made by both with the greatest vigour, and each contended to be the first in battering down the part against which his own machines were pointed, on a sudden, when it scarcely was expected, the wall on both sides fell. After this success they renewed their assaults against the place continually, with the utmost force and fury, both by night and day. As the numbers however of those that were within the city were very great, their efforts all were ineffectual. But after some time, . being informed by one of the prisoners that were taken, of a certain subterraneous passage, from which the besieged were supplied with water, they filled the mouth of it with wood and stones and other such materials: and thus in a short time forced the inhabitants through want of water to surrender. The king left Nicarchus in the place with a sufficient garrison: and sent away Hippolochus and Ce- reas, with a body of five thousand infantry towards Sama- ria; to cover the frontiers of the country from all insult, and to protect the people who had submitted to him. He then began his march to Ptolemais with all the army, designing to pass the winter in that city.
CHAP. VII.
IN the course of the same summer, the Pednelissians being besieged by the Selgians, and reduced to great | extremity, solicited some assistance from Achæus: and having obtained a favourable answer, they sustained the siege with constancy, in the hope that in a short time they
80 THE GENERAL HISTORY BOOK V.
should be relieved. Achæus sent accordingly to. their assistance Garsyeris, with six thousand infantry and five hundred horse. The Selgians, being informed of ‘his approach, posted the greatest part of their troops.in the defile called Climax; secured the approaches to Saporda ; and broke up all the roads. Garsyeris continuing still to advance, entered Milyas and encamped near Cretopolis. But when he found that ‘the: enemy had possessed them- selves of all the passes,.and stopped his farther progress, he employed the following stratagem. Having ordered his army to decamp, he directed his‘route back again, as if he had lost all hope of being able to-succour the besieged. The Selgians, not suspecting any fraud, left their posts and retired, some of them to their camp and some into the city: for it was now.the'time of harvest. But Garsyeris, returning in a short time afterwards by quick and con- tinued marches, seized the passes, which were left without defence; and having secured them all by. sufficient guards, under the command of Phaylus, he advanced with the rest of his troops to Perga: and. from thence sent deputations to all the people of Pisidia and Pamphylia, exhorting them to secure themselves in time against the growing power of the Selgians, to enter into an alliance with Acheus, and to join their forces with him to assist the Pednelissians. In the mean while the Selgians, being persuaded that, by their knowledge of the country, they should soon be able to strike a terror into‘ Phaylus, sent away a body of troops to dislodge him from his posts. But so far were they from being able to accomplish their design, that, on the contrary, they.lost many of their men. They desisted, therefore, from this attempt, and returning again to the business of the